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61.
图企联姻中信息服务的思考   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
图企联姻,是图书馆职能的外部延伸,可以拓展图书馆信息服务领域,深化其社会职能.通过图书馆与企业联合,走信息业与产业化联合之路,信息业促进产业化,产业化带动信息化,可以实现两者的跨越式发展.  相似文献   
62.
试论新时期维护、照顾同盟者利益的原则   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
新时期中国共产党领导的爱国统一战线是一个十分广泛的联盟,尊重、维护同盟者利益历来是我们党取得革命胜利的一个重要原则。要注重以“三个代表”重要思想为指导,积极引导同盟者自觉把自身利益与整个国家和民族的利益联系在一起;制定政策来切实照顾、维护同盟者利益,特别要注意照顾同盟者的不同利益要求;把照顾、维护同盟者利益同依法治国相结合,用法律手段切实维护同盟者的利益。  相似文献   
63.
Alliance with sworn political opponents is becoming a growing phenomenon within the realm of political alliances. Here, two or more competitive political parties join hands to defeat a particular common opponent. During election, alliance partners face election together and distribute electoral seats mutually to avoid vote share. However, ensuring vote in favour of opponent alliance candidate is only possible when voters prefer to cast vote for the alliance candidate. Thus, this is crucial to know influencing factors that shape voters’ voting intention in favour of opponent alliance candidate. This study is an attempt to empirically investigate factors that have significant influence to shape voters’ voting intention for opponent alliance. The result shows that opponent alliance perceived fit impacts opponent alliance voting intention positively. Opponent alliance brand trust has a positive impact on opponent alliance voting intention. In addition, opponent alliance preference impacts opponent alliance voting intention positively.  相似文献   
64.
Although international crises are often believed to represent windows of opportunity to strengthen European defence cooperation, recent crises have not seemed to produce a clear convergence of European Union (EU) member states’ security interests. This article seeks to address this puzzle by arguing that European defence cooperation is a response to crises that place European states in a situation of military interdependence. Conversely, asymmetric crises, i.e. crises that affect European states unevenly, encourage those states to maintain their autonomy of action. This theoretical argument is supported by two case studies: the failure of the European Defence Community in the early 1950s and the current difficulties experienced by the EU’s military operations. These two cases illustrate a striking continuity in that, because of (neo)colonial ties in particular, European states are often unevenly affected by international crises, which tends to make defence cooperation less effective.  相似文献   
65.
随着碳中和共识成为全球气候治理的主流认知,关键矿产作为支撑清洁能源转型的核心要素,对一国在世界低碳秩序转型中能否获得绿色竞争优势具有重要影响。面对中国等新兴大国的绿色崛起,美国对本国在关键矿产供应上的结构性劣势产生了浓重的霸权焦虑和不安全感。为此,美国选择对传统联盟体系进行调整,试图通过构建绿色议题联盟重塑对竞争对手的战略优势。为了解决联盟调整过程中的合法性约束和政策性约束,美国开启了复合安全化实践。其中,美国的安全化话语实践框定了联盟调整的合法性问题,针对国内民众和外部盟友塑造了关键矿产领域的不安全感,明确了议题联盟需要对抗的目标和具体做法。美国的安全化政策实践则在话语实践的基础上推动了与外部盟友之间在关键矿产问题上的政策协调,在双边和多边层面建立了一系列相互嵌套、兼顾多方位需求的合作机制。安全化话语实践和安全化政策实践相互交织,推动了以美国为主导的关键矿产联盟不断成形。然而,美国关键矿产联盟在理念、分歧管理和资源支撑等方面都存在较为明显的缺陷,其效力难以达到美国政府的预期。  相似文献   
66.
反腐新思维:以利益背反打破攻守同盟   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
现有法律同时惩罚行贿者和受贿者,为“同时惩罚方案”,往往导致双方的利益攻守同盟,不利于高效反腐。“利益背反方案”提出了反腐新思维,能够打破腐败中的攻守同盟。此方案将行贿受贿分为受贿阶段与完成阶段。在受贿阶段,只要受贿者主动坦白,则他不但无过,反而有功,而对行贿者则予以惩罚;在完成阶段则相反。若此,在任一阶段都有且只有一方获利并且有且只有一方受损,于是形成双方利益与风险的多重背反;同时,任何一方自身的利益与风险也是背反的,即利益越大风险反而越小,利益越小风险反而越大。于是,双方成为利益敌人,从而打破攻守同盟。此外,利益背反还具有中立性、操作性很强、反腐败成本很低、适用范围很广等优点。  相似文献   
67.
潘承生 《学理论》2009,(17):45-47
中苏同盟的破裂,既源于中苏意识形态内在的深刻的分岐,也与俄罗斯大国沙文主义的传统以及中俄两国文化差异性有莫大的关系,同时也与冷战有着直接的关联。  相似文献   
68.
Critical pedagogy empowers Gay Straight Alliance (GSA) advisers facilitate reflective, activist-oriented learning. Its use in school clubs has broad implications for both teachers and youth workers. Informed by critical multiculturalism, this study draws on ethnographic fieldwork from one school year and in-depth interviews with GSA participants. Data reveal that the GSA advisor's understanding of critical pedagogy is characterized by expanding students’ knowledge, facilitating students’ activism, and encouraging students’ reflection on significant interactions with peers and family. The author concludes these pedagogical practices help create long-term GSAs, where engaged student learning and activism promote a “third space” in youth development work.  相似文献   
69.
防卫技术合作是日美同盟关系深化的重要体现,也是安全合作以及同盟管控的组成部分。日美防卫技术合作的进展受防卫技术合作的制度化水平和日本在同盟关系中自主化水平双重因素的影响。20世纪80年代以前,受日本武器出口规范和技术能力的限制,日美之间的防卫技术合作以美国单方面援助日本为主。其后,日本在技术上取得较大突破,开始在对美技术合作与自主技术研发之间寻求平衡,但技术合作制度化水平较低,影响了两国的合作。进入21世纪第二个10年之后,日本在解禁“武器出口三原则”的同时,进一步加强技术研发能力、深化与美国的防卫技术合作,并寻求技术合作的多元化。通过日美战斗机研发合作的案例可以发现,看似日本对美国渐趋自主,但仍然难以摆脱对美防卫技术依存的困境。日美之间防卫技术合作的深度以及日本防卫合作对象多元化的广度将是影响日本未来防卫产业发展的重要因素。  相似文献   
70.
ABSTRACT

Should China forge a military alliance? Some scholars believe it should, others believe it should adhere to a policy of non-alignment. For China many risks are associated with military alliances. On the one hand, China would likely be involved in unwanted conflicts and confrontations created by potential allies. On the other hand, China would be bound to compete with the existing hegemon, the United States, which has already established a huge alliance system, to win more allies. China just cannot afford this. The intensified strategic competition between China and the United States may also lead to a new antagonism in the Asia-Pacific region. Nevertheless, China’s ‘non-alliance’ policy does not mean China has to abandon the development of strategic cooperation with other countries or renounce the right to build a cooperative partnership network. Since Xi Jinping came to power, the Chinese government has continuously expanded its strategic partnership network in the region. This policy could avoid US-China competition over military allies and enhance strategic trust between China and its neighbouring countries, creating conditions for China’s peaceful development and global strategic stability.  相似文献   
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