A CONSUMER-WELFARE APPROACH TO NETWORK NEUTRALITY REGULATION OF THE INTERNET

"Network neutrality" is the shorthand for a proposed regimeof economic regulation for the Internet. Because of the trendto deliver traditional telecommunications services, as wellas new forms of content and applications, by Internet protocol(IP), a regime of network neutrality regulation would displaceor subordinate a substantial portion of existing telecommunicationsregulation. If the United States adopts network neutrality regulation,other industrialized nations probably will soon follow. As aresult of their investment to create next-generation broadbandnetworks, network operators have the ability to innovate insidethe network by offering both senders and receivers of informationgreater bandwidth and prioritization of delivery. Network neutralityregulation would, among other things, prevent providers of broadbandInternet access service (such as digital subscriber line (DSL)or cable modem service) from offering a guaranteed, expediteddelivery speed in return for the payment of a fee. The practicaleffect of banning such differential pricing (called "accesstiering" by its critics) would be to prevent the pricing ofaccess to content or applications providers according to priorityof delivery. To the extent that an advertiser of a good or servicewould be willing to contract with a network operator for advertisingspace on the network operator's affiliated content, anotherpractical effect of network neutrality regulation would be toerect a barrier to vertical integration of network operatorsinto advertising-based business models that could supplementor replace revenues earned from their existing usage-based businessmodels. Moreover, by making end-users pay for the full costof broadband access, network neutrality regulation would denybroadband access to the large number of consumers who wouldnot be able to afford, or who would not have a willingness topay for, what would otherwise be less expensive access. Forexample, Google is planning to offer broadband access to end-usersfor free in San Francisco by charging other content providersfor advertising. This product offering is evidently predicatedon the belief that many end-users demand discounted or freebroadband access that is paid for by parties other than themselves.Proponents of network neutrality regulation argue that suchrestrictions on the pricing policies of network operators arenecessary to preserve innovation on the edges of the network,as opposed to innovation within the network. However, recognizingthat network congestion and real-time applications demand somedifferential pricing according to bandwidth or priority, proponentsof network neutrality regulation would allow broadband Internetaccess providers to charge higher prices to end-users (but notcontent or applications providers) who consume more bandwidthor who seek priority delivery of certain traffic. Thus, thedebate over network neutrality is essentially a debate overhow best to finance the construction and maintenance of a broadbandnetwork in a two-sided market in which senders and receivershave additive demand for the delivery of a given piece of information—andhence additive willingness to pay. Well-established tools ofRamsey pricing from regulatory economics can shed light on whethernetwork congestion and recovery of sunk investment in infrastructureare best addressed by charging providers of content and applications,broadband users, or both for expedited delivery. Apart fromthis pricing problem, an analytically simpler component of proposednetwork neutrality regulation would prohibit a network operatorfrom denying its users access to certain websites and Internetapplications, such as voice over Internet protocol (VoIP). Althoughsome instances of blocking of VoIP have been reported, suchconduct is not a serious risk to competition. To address thisconcern, I analyze whether market forces (that is, competitionamong access providers) and existing regulatory structures aresufficient to protect broadband users. I conclude that economicwelfare would be maximized by allowing access providers to differentiateservices vis-à-vis providers of content and applicationsin value-enhancing ways and by relying on existing legal regimesto protect consumers against the exercise of market power, shouldit exist.     

试论缅甸近代历史上的“1300运动”

"1300"运动是缅甸近代民族主义运动中影响最大的一次运动,这次运动由以下三部分组成1938-1939年仁安羌和稍埠石油工人大罢工和"饥饿进军";1938年的反穆斯林运动;以及1938-1939年的学生抗议运动."1300"运动促使缅甸人民更加团结,民族主义意识空前高涨,缅甸近代民族主义运动进而跨入了一个新的发展时期.     

探寻党建“三个统一”创新党的执政理念

在党的自身建设中,坚持"三个统一",创新党的执政理念是新时期政党建设的崭新课题,此文通过探寻党建"三个统一"的出发点、结合点、归宿点,把理论创新、实践创新和群众创新注入党的自身建设中,实现党的执政理念的全面创新.     

中国人精子黄递酶Ⅲ型的分布及精斑黄递酶Ⅲ型的检出

应用超薄层聚丙烯酰胺凝胶等电聚焦技术对辽宁地区200例正常人精子黄递酶Ⅲ型(DIA)的分布进行了研究。其基因频率分别为DIA_3~1=0.6850,DIA_3~2=0.2875,DIA_5~3=0.0275。由阴道液、唾液、乳汁及无精子症精液不能判定DIA_3型。室温保存精斑可检出时限为9个月。     

常染色体STR遗传标记在同胞鉴定中的应用

目的 探讨常染色体STR遗传标记用于鉴定两个体同胞关系的可行性。方法 用Power Plex~(TM)16体系15个STR基因座检测150对同胞个体和150对无关个体,ITO法计算同胞关系指数(PI_(FS))与同胞关系概率(W_(FS)),并比较两组W_(FS)值及两个体间等位基因匹配情况的差异,对前者进行组间差异的x~2检验。结果 100对(66.67％)同胞个体的W_(FS)大于0.9995;无关个体W_(FS)均小于0.8,其中100对(66.67％)W_(FS)小于0.27。同胞个体两个体间等位基因全相同的基因座个数为1～10个不等,平均5.49个,无关个体0～5个不等,平均1.33个;等位基因全不同的基因座个数,同胞个体0～6个不等,平均1.66个,无关个体2～11个不等,平均6.57个;等位基因半相同的基因座个数,同胞个体3～13个不等,平均7.85个,而无关个体1～13个不等,平均7.11个。经x~2检验,同胞个体和无关个体间全相同和全不同的基因座数差异均有极显著意义(P<0.001),半相同的基因座数差异无显著意义(P>0.05)。结论 PowerPlex~(TM)16体系可用于鉴定同胞关系。当两个体全不同基因座个数大于或等于6个,或全相同基因座数为0时,提示为无关个体;当两个体全不同基因座个数小于或等于1个,或全相同基因座数大于或等于6个时,提示为同胞。     

Analysis of the autopsy,toxicological, and psychiatric reports of Portugal’s first major forensic case: part III

This work presents an odd historical record obtained through more than 14 years of research regarding one of the first major European forensic cases. The presumed homicide of Mário Guilherme Augusto de Sampaio in 1890 was allegedly perpetrated by his uncle, the prestigious doctor Vicente Urbino de Freitas. This famous poisoning had international repercussions for decades, with the participation of several forensic experts that made the history of forensic sciences, namely forensic toxicology and pathology. This third work aims to collect, restore, and analyse all the forensic evidence, particularly from the autopsy, toxicological, and psychiatric forensic reports. Facts regarding the life of Vicente Urbino de Freitas during his exile in Brazil were also recovered, along with a vast and outstanding assortment of forensic medicine photographs from the 19th century.     

“There’s only three things he mentions in a sentence – a noun,a verb and 9/11”: terrorism,fear and the after,after 9/11

In the years since 11 September 2001, pundits, politicians and scholars of terrorism and international relations routinely have declared that 9/11 “changed everything”. This article explores not only how those decisions transformed the United States and the global response to terrorism, but also how both the decisions and response sustained a sense of fear. Further, they made possible, to paraphrase then candidate Joseph Biden’s critique of former New York Mayor Rudy Guiliani, the framing of so much of the global political debate about terrorism, and national security references as simply 9/11 accompanied by a noun and a verb. Finally, the article examines the consequences of this framing for not only our understanding of terrorism, but also our understanding of terrorism and violence within the current global system.