完善国家扶贫战略和政策体系的宏观思考

十七届三中全会和五中全会都对＂完善国家扶贫战略和政策体系＂提出了明确要求。国家扶贫包括政府扶贫（政府扶贫机构扶贫和政府所属各部门扶贫）和社会扶贫（社会非政府组织扶贫和财富拥有者扶贫）。＂完善国家扶贫战略和政策体系＂要将政府扶贫和社会扶贫统一起来。战略目标：缩小发展差距,促进社会和谐;战略重点：不断提高扶贫对象的自我发展能力;战略措施：构建＂大扶贫＂格局;政策体系：政府的职能责任、民营组织的社会责任和全社会志愿精神的统一;特殊政策：加大对特殊地区的扶持力度。     

知识产权人才培养本科层次的定位与发展

单独设置的知识产权全日制本科专业,是对于日益增长的知识产权人才需求的有力回应。但是,知识产权本科专业的人才培养也面临着许多问题。知识产权本科专业的发展方向,应当是以＂基础型＂、＂特色化＂的知识产权人才为培养目标。在培养方案中,应当坚持法学类课程的主干地位,同时着力提高学生的实践能力。     

The changing political economy of Taiwan‐Southeast Asia relations

This paper examines the possibility that the United States could ‘capture’ the Asia‐Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and use it to impose America's economic agenda on the region. It discusses Washington's ability to shape the choices of APEC's East Asian members at APEC negotiations to reflect US interests through employing its military, economic, cultural, and ideological resources as instruments of leverage and influence. While interdependence constrains Washington's use of military and/or economic leverage to influence the choices of APEC's East Asian members, the complex bargaining and consensual decision‐making features of APEC further prevent Washington from imposing its agenda on APEC. On the other hand, Washington's capture of APEC could be facilitated if East Asian policy‐making elites were socialized through the APEC process to accept American norms. This would tend to lead to preference convergence since the values of both the US and East Asia would coincide. The analysis suggests, however, that American norms are unlikely to prevail within APEC in the near to medium term primarily because APEC's East Asian members consider East Asian norms to be superior. American culture and especially ideology are not sufficiently attractive to East Asian elites and are thus unable to be used as instruments of influence. For these reasons, the paper concludes that the United States will find it difficult to impose its economic agenda on the region through APEC.     

The political rationalities of regionalism: APEC and the EU in comparative perspective

Abstract

The essay is a comparative analysis of APEC and the EU, which looks at the particular sorts of economic orders these institutions are helping to create. It is argued that the two regions display some noteworthy differences that result from different approaches to the problem of economic governance. These differences reflect much more than the relative degree and level of regional institutionalization; they flow from different ‘political rationalities’ that are themselves a function of the very different liberal and illiberal polities in Europe and East Asia. Our key theoretical innovation is to use the framework of political rationality to explain different regional approaches to economic governance; more specifically we argue that the EU and the East Asian members of APEC may be understood as respectively subscribing to broadly conceived liberal and cameralist approaches to economic governance which are in turn reflected in the design of regional institutions.     

Vice-Premier Li Hsien-Nien gives Banquet in name of Premier Chou En-Lai for Madame Marcos

This article provides empirical light on the debate concerning whether manufacturing firms in China are becoming major innovators. Based on an innovation survey carried out in Jiangsu Province, the article finds that most firms engage in innovative activities but these are mainly of an incremental nature. Radical innovation, as a proportion of sales, is relatively low if compared internationally. Innovation in China is mainly to catch-up and is novel relative to the firm and the domestic market. A small proportion of innovation is new to the world. Intensity and productivity indicators suggest that small, foreign and textile firms are leading innovative efforts. Firms innovate to improve their general competitiveness, including improving product quality and extending market share, obtain income from technology and defend themselves from research and development expenditure by competitors. Innovators value significantly more than non-innovators the range of innovative objectives they seek to achieve. The main obstacles to innovation arise from technical and marketing weaknesses; the perception of these obstacles varies widely between radical innovators and non-innovators. The article concludes that while innovative activities are emerging it will still take some time for China to have a major role in the international division of innovative labour.     

APEC发展中的存在问题及其未来拓展的路径选择

以松散性为特征的APEC在贸易自由化与投资自由化的进程、经济技术合作及协调内部次区域经济组织关系方面存在着一系列的矛盾与冲突。为有效地解决这些矛盾与冲突,APEC在发展模式与路径的选择上,要通过次区域组织自由贸易区的制度安排,一定的时期内维持松散一体化组织的现状,在坚持开放的区域方向原则的同时对其中的传统认识与运作机制进行修正。     

APEC与多边贸易体制

区域集团是世界贸易组织最惠国待遇的一个最大例外。区域集团由于其本身固有的排他性 ,势必会对多边贸易体制产生一定的冲击。但APEC却通过自己独特的合作机制将这种消极影响减少到最低限度 ,开创了区域合作的创新之路。本文在对当前主要区域经济组织进行比较研究的基础上 ,着重分析了APEC在制度创新及其与世界贸易体制的关系。接着分析了APEC在新形势下面临的挑战及我国的对策。在我国加入世界贸易组织之际 ,强调区域集团的作用具有深远的理论意义和现实意义 ,这将使我国经济在“区域集团”和“多边贸易体制”两个轮子上快速、健康、稳定地发展。     

俄罗斯与美国反恐战略之比较

在当今世界,俄罗斯和美国是遭受恐怖主义威胁最为严重的两个大国,反恐战略在俄罗斯和美国国家安全战略中都是不可或缺的组成部分。俄美两国在反恐战略的形成、恐怖主义威胁判断、反恐目标、军事反恐战略实践和国际反恐合作等方面有相同之处,也存在显著差别。随着俄美领导人的更换,两国反恐战略都在调整,并且选择了不同的战略取向。反恐是俄美两国合作的重要领域,但俄美反恐战略的分歧可能导致双方之间爆发摩擦乃至冲突。     

浅议模拟讯问的组织实施与考核

模拟讯问是公安院校侦查讯问、预审等专业课程教学中普遍采用的一种实训方法。模拟讯问组织实施应按照既定目标、原则和步骤进行,并根据学生在模拟讯问中的不同分工而建立相应的考核标准,以保证模拟讯问取得较好的教学效果。     

法益:法律的中心问题

法益是法律的基本范畴。可以以法益的主体、被保护的程度、存在的形态、内容等为标准进行分类。法益总量的最大化是法律目标量的规定性,法益结构的最优化是法律目标质的规定性,二者是法律的双螺旋价值追求。权力、权利是法益配置的基础性手段。