论政法干警试点班的培养目标与教学形式

政法干警招录培养体制改革试点工作开始以来,全国实施了专科、本科、研究生三个层次的政法干警培养体系。本文认为,只有明确政法干警试点班的培养目标,有侧重地采取不同的教学形式和教学方法,才是推动政法干警教育工作行之有效的途径。目前正在实施的政法干警试点班的共同培养目标,是以培养业务素质高和实战能力强为核心的应用型、复合型人才为培养目标;但各层次试点班的培养目标应有所区别：专科重实战能力,本科重＂应变＂能力,研究生重前沿和理论。在教学形式上可采用＂团队学习＂式教学,＂案例研讨＂式教学,＂现场研究＂式教学来实现。     

Promoting neoliberal ideology in Finnish rural community development: the creation of new moral actors

ABSTRACT

Today’s political ambitions are based on the neoliberal aspiration to diminish the state’s role and responsibilities, and to transfer those responsibilities to local communities and individuals in ways that idealise those communities, promising to ‘give power to the people’. Instead of highlighting individualism, neoliberalism now celebrates communities and participation. This article deals with the effects of this ideology with regard to Finnish rural policy objectives. Drawing on Finnish village action programmes as data, we argue that these ideological views aim to transform individuals and create new moral actors. Our research indicates that Finland’s rural policy objectives invoke actors that are responsible for their communities, have an ‘enterprising spirit’, and are change-friendly and innovative. However, the ideology disregards the economic and social preconditions and resources necessary for building affluent communities and villages, which are difficult to attain when there is less government involvement. Thus, rural communities face increasing demands and less government involvement.     

The role of the Asia Pacific Partnership in discursive contestation of the international climate regime

After withdrawing from the Kyoto Protocol, the US Bush Administration and the Australian Howard Government pursued an international climate change policy focussed on voluntary international agreements outside the UN climate negotiations. This strategy included the formation of several climate agreements directed at technology development, including the 2005 Asia Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate (APP). The APP provides a model for international climate change policy directed at voluntary national greenhouse gas intensity targets, technology development through sectoral public–private partnerships and technology diffusion through trade. This article situates the APP within these US and Australian inspired climate agreements formed outside the UN negotiations. Bäckstrand and Lövbrand’s (in M. Pettenger (ed.) The social construction of climate change: power knowledge norms discourses, 2007) discourse analysis in relation to the international climate negotiations is used to explore differences between the APP and UN climate treaties. We find the APP embodies a discourse of what we call ‘deregulatory ecological modernisation’ that promotes limited public funding to ease informational failures in markets for cleaner technologies and management practices. The deregulatory ecological modernisation discourse is a deeply intensive market liberal approach to international climate change policy, which contests binding emission reduction targets and the development of a global carbon market. The USA, Australia, Japan and Canada represented a core group of countries that used the APP to promote the deregulatory ecological modernisation discourse and thereby contest any deepening of developed nations' emission reduction targets for the post-2012 period. However, with changes of leadership and new parties in power in the USA and Australia, it appears that the deregulatory ecological modernisation discourse has lost ground compared to a reengagement with discourses supportive of developed country emission reduction targets and equity-based adaptation and technology transfer assistance for developing nations.     

后现代社会建构论对心理学研究目标的质疑

现代心理学的研究目标概括为描述事实、揭示规律、预测趋势和控制行为四个层面，此四级目标可视为心理学对外的学科承诺。以后现代社会建构论的视域审视，心理学能否兑现这些承诺是值得质疑的。首先，心理学所谓的“描述事实”其实质乃是对心理学家所经验的事实的描述，而不是对心理和行为作为“客观存在的事实”的描述。其次，揭示心理规律不仅存在技术困难，所谓“心理规律”也只是现代文化场域内的一种“约定”，而非“客观规律”。第三，由于人作为心理学的研究对象具有作为自然科学研究对象的物所没有的意识能动性，利用心理规律预测心理事件的发生遭遇特殊困难。最后，谋求对人的行为的控制，不仅背离了心理学造福人类的初衷，而且有违自由平等的现代社会价值观。     

论法学本科教学模式的重构

法学教学模式是法学教育的重要问题,直接关系到法学教育质量,是培养符合社会要求的法学人才的重要保障.然而,我国现行的法学教学模式存在诸多弊端,必须对现行法学教学模式进行深刻检讨,剖析其不足,扬长避短,构建一套综合性的法学教学模式.这种综合模式拼弃了以往单一培养模式的窠臼,针对学生不同能力的培养,分别采用“传授式”、“探究式”、“实践式”、CIPP等多种教学模式.     

对财务管理目标的思考

利润最大化、股东财富最大化和企业价值最大化是关于财务管理目标的三种最具代表性的观点。股东财富最大化和企业价值最大化目标有其积极的方面 ,但同时也存在难以克服的缺陷。而利润最大化不仅反映了市场经济环境对企业的客观要求 ,体现了所有者、债权人、管理者、政府和企业职工的共同利益 ,而且可操作性强 ,是企业财务管理目标的合理选择     

论土地承包经营权流转目标的内在冲突及化解机制

理论上土地承包经营权流转的目标有两个:一是从稳定生产关系的层面强化农民的土地承包经营权权能;二是从提高生产力的层面实现农村土地的适度规模经营。但是在土地承包经营权流转过程中,村集体、承包户以及其他集体成员之间在利益上存在矛盾;政策规定与农民意愿之间也存在差距;失地农民的社会保障有待加强。必须采取有效措施化解矛盾,推动土地承包与流转制度的进一步完善。     

APEC贸易自由化的发展与评价

本文通过研究APEC各成员的单边行动计划,从关税和非关税措施的角度评述了APEC贸易自由化的发展,分析了目前两者不同的发展特征及茂物目标实现的可能性,得出的基本结论是:发达成员2010年率先实现茂物目标的难度较大,同时还可能受到国际经济体系变化的影响。目前APEC中贸易投资便利化的努力将为贸易自由化的发展打下坚实的基础。发展中国家应从现实可能出发,选择对待茂物目标的灵活性策略。     

The evolution of an Asia‐Pacific policy community in Australia

Australian Labor governments have, in recent times, become particularly active in shaping the form and content of regional forums where outstanding economic and security issues can be semi‐publicly aired. An increasing number of analysts have characterized this activist role with APEC and CSCAP as a manifestation of ‘intellectual leadership’, and have explained this evident concern with the promotion of common understandings (and hence the possibility of rules) as the natural stance of ‘middle powers’. This paper surveys the means by which Australia's Labor governments came to engage in these regional dialogues; the arguments that have facilitated that engagement; and the individuals who have played leading roles in articulating those arguments. It concludes with brief observations about the possible trajectory of these two regional dialogues, and reference to some of the obstacles they might pose for future Australian governments.     

Crisis studies and the near east: The cases of Lebanon and Cyprus†

This paper is about the relationship between foreign trade and national power in the contemporary Asia Pacific. Imports and exports among the APEC (Asia Pacific Economic Community) members are studied over time in order to assess the extent to which this trade has evolved in ways which ceteris paribus provide the larger trading states with more or less leverage to influence the smaller ones. We offer a conceptual discussion of conditions that are likely to shape the incentives to actually use such leverage and, if actually exercised, the prospects that such attempts may succeed. A pattern analysis of trade in the Asia Pacific then follows from which we conclude that the smaller non‐Latin American APEC countries have diversified their trading partners recently and thus reduced their exposure to leverage based on asymmetric dependence in their trade relations. At the same time, we expect from our conceptual discussion that the larger APEC countries are generally more likely to exercise self restraint than to use trade to extract gains on other issues.