推进政治文明建设应正确处理的几种关系

当前推进我国社会主义政治文明建设,应正确处理党的领导、人民民主与依法治国,政治文明建设与社会稳定,保持中国特色与借鉴西方政治文明有益成果,民主与法制,经济体制改革和政治体制改革之间的关系,使党的十六大所确立的社会主义政治文明的基本原则得以贯彻和体现。     

"三个代表"思想指导民主管理之思考

实行民主管理制度是实践“三个代表”的客观要求和具体体现。     

民主意识的现状和培养

作者从民主意识的现状和原因分析入手,论述了当前为什么要加强民主意识的培养和怎样加强民主意识的培养;加强民主意识的培养是构建和谐社会的需要。     

查处“黑恶”势力犯罪及其“保护伞”的适用法律问题——《刑法》第294条质疑

实证调查、法理分析表明,《刑法》第294条规定的黑社会性质组织犯罪存在许多法学逻辑上的矛盾;这些矛盾在司法活动中已表现为种种无法逾越的现实障碍。本文试图通过对“黑恶”势力及其“保护伞”犯罪问题的司法实务进行研究,以解决实践中的问题,并为相关法律的完善提供建议。     

略论社会主义政治体制与和谐社会建设

对和谐社会的构建问题,应在现实的历史基础上作出具体的分析。社会主义市场经济的发展凸现了个人发展和个人权利要求,也使社会公平与正义成为大多数人认同的社会价值,于是,构建和谐社会就要在政治上达成个人权利和社会公平与正义的相对平衡。为此,应在民主制基础上建设集中行使国家权力的权威政府,完善社会主义政治体制。在现阶段,面对权力高度集中的事实,亟待解决的问题是加强社会主义民主制度建设,为构建和谐社会创设政治前提。     

关于加强民主党派参政能力建设的探索

执政党要加强执政能力建设,参政党也要加强参政能力建设。文章围绕政治把握能力、参政议政能力、民主监督能力、组织领导能力、合作共事能力,就参政党如何加强参政能力建设进行了探讨。     

Britain and its Armed Forces Today

As defence becomes a political football once again this article examines the relationship of the UK's military with the country from which it is drawn and which it serves. It argues that all three elements of the classic Clausewitzian trinity: the state, the people and the military, there are major problems. These are undermining the capabilities of the armed forces and will ultimately place far greater limitations on future government's use of the armed forces in support of British policies overseas. This will have significant implications for Britain in the future if it wishes to continue to "punch above its weight".     

Toward a Multiprocess Model of Rivalry and the Democratic Peace

In this paper we examine recent efforts to combine quantitative research on the democratic peace with research on interstate rivalry. Using Monte Carlo simulations, we highlight problems with separately analyzing the processes associated with rivalry and the democratic peace. Specifically, we specify a multiprocess model and demonstrate that previous research on this topic may overestimate the pacifying effect of democracy on enduring rivalries. Since pairs of democracies are unlikely to experience interstate rivalry in the first place, the true effect of joint democracy is difficult to ascertain in a censored sample of interstate rivals. Our simulation results are consistent with historical data analysis that suggests that the pacifying effect of democracy is most pronounced in the enhanced probability of jointly democratic dyads averting the onset of rivalry. More generally, this article fits into a larger body of research that examines the confounding effect of selection bias on world politics research.     

Give Me Shelter: Reexamining Military Intervention and the Monadic Democratic Peace

Increasing empirical evidence points to the existence of a monadic democratic peace. However, the quantitative literature on international conflict has yet to produce any compelling evidence that such a peace holds for one of the most prominent types of interstate force in use today, foreign military intervention. This study tests the hypotheses that democracies are less prone to intervene militarily and less likely to be the targets of such incursions. In doing so, it compares six overlapping theoretical perspectives on the monadic democratic peace. No empirical support is lent to the hypothesis that democracies intervene less often than nondemocracies, but considerable evidence indicates that democracies are rarely the targets of foreign military intervention. The latter result remains consistent across six different intervention populations from 1975 to 1996. Of the six theoretical perspectives analyzed, the institutional approach recently advanced by Bueno de Mesquita and his associates fares best. Its predictions match the empirical outcomes exactly. None of the other theoretical frameworks is even half right. In sum, it seems that democratic governance provides a barrier against foreign military intervention, but it does not limit intervention abroad.     

短暂的联合：越南民族主义力量联合战线研究

20世纪初,越南卷入了东南亚民族独立运动的浪潮。在各种政治势力中,平川派、高台教与和好教作为3股民族主义武装力量在反对法国殖民主义的斗争中扮演了重要角色。这3股势力产生于法国殖民统治时期,是民族矛盾日益尖锐的产物。历经反法斗争、武装割据的发展阶段,这3股势力走上了共同反对吴庭艳政权的道路,组建了民族主义力量联合战线。然而,这一战线仅仅存在了两个月就走向破裂和消亡,究其原因,是缘于3股势力在各自产生、发展过程中所形成的不同特点,也是法国与美国在越南实力消长的必然结果。