威权政体转型中的政党与民主——印尼与韩国比较研究

政党是现代政治的产物,现代政党理论一般认为从政党政治里会自然生长出民主政治来.但是对于后发展国家来说,历史使其没有足够的时间重复西方发达国家渐进发展的道路,威权政体中政党活动对民主政治的影响要根据不同国家的具体情况.政党政治能否带来民主政治与这些国家的政党成熟程度、对法治的尊重、军队的改革特别是市民社会的发育程度有关.     

On the Way to Limited Competitiveness: Political Consequences of the 2011 Electoral Reform in Hungary

This article tests the effects of a new electoral system in Hungary that was introduced by the governing FIDESZ party in 2011. We are especially concerned with the shape of single-member district (SMD) level electoral competition following a significant transformation that tends to be viewed as serving FIDESZ's goal of preserving its constitutional majority. The results show not only transformation of Hungarian electoral politics between 2010 and 2018 elections but also the fact that the return of bipolarization is far from reality in Hungarian electoral politics. On one hand, the reform resulted in an increased number of districts with clear dominance of the two strongest parties nationally, but on the other hand, this trend was connected to asymmetrical bipartism, with clear advantage of the FIDESZ. Furthermore, there was a persistently high number of SMDs where the competition took place between the FIDESZ and one of the third-place parties.     

South Africa’s peacebuilding in the DRC: Convergence and dissonance with the liberal model

The task of transforming countries affected by conflict towards sustainable peace has been a persistent problem. In response to growing intra-state conflict in the post-Cold War era, it has become the norm to prescribe a cocktail of liberal democracy and free-market economics as a universal formula for building peaceful societies. South Africa, since its post-democratic emergence into global affairs, has also been active in promoting peace in Africa along similar lines. This article embarks on an exploratory qualitative analysis of South Africa’s peacebuilding engagements in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). It aims to contribute a better understanding of South Africa’s peacebuilding engagements by utilising the DRC case study to point out areas of convergence and dissonance with the dominant liberal model of peacebuilding. The article finds that, although peppered with successes and failures, South Africa does approach peacebuilding in a unique manner. It also calls for a revision of South Africa’s approach, given the varying levels of success in the DRC.     

当今中国宪政、法治实践中的若干理论问题

党的十五大明确提出了发展社会主义民主政治,实行法治,建设社会主义"法治国家"的基本方略,与此同时,宪法就此问题作出了相应的修改与完善.世纪之交的中国社会在宪政法制建设的实践和迈向法治现代化的征途中面临着一系列急待从宪法、法理上予以澄清和正面解答的理论问题,本文就现阶段我国宪政、法治实践中所面临的若干最直接的现实理论问题进行了必要的宪法学、法理学分析和探讨,并对"政治与法治"、"权与法"、"宪政、法治与法制"、"政党、政策与宪法之关系"进行了具体探讨和论述,提出了在"依法治国"过程中必须摆正和处理好上列诸方面宪政、法理关系的具体理论建议和主张.     

欧洲能否摆脱美国的监护

在欧洲和美国的战略关系中,北约是非常重要的纽带.冷战结束以来,美国坚持强化北约,目的在于继续控制欧洲.欧洲人一直希望在本区域的防务和军事一体化问题上加强合作,建立一支独立的军事力量.在科索沃战争的"催化"作用下,欧洲在共同防务和军事一体化领域迅速达成一致,并进入实施具体规划的阶段.这对欧美关系将产生重大的影响,欧洲人希望摆脱美国 的监护,已经付诸于行动.     

Economic inequality,winner-loser gap,and satisfaction with democracy

This study analyzes how economic inequality affects electoral winners and losers' satisfaction with democracy. We posit that both the poor and the rich have more at stake in elections when inequality is high. Electoral losers, whether they are the poor or the rich, are more likely to be dissatisfied with democratic systems when facing greater disparity in wealth. In contrast, electoral winners confronting higher inequality are more likely to express satisfaction with democracy. Employing a multilevel analysis of Comparative Study Electoral Systems (CSES) data, we find that the gap in satisfaction with democracy between electoral winners and losers widens as income inequality increases. Broadening the conventional wisdom that electoral systems mediate the effect of citizens' winner-loser status on their democratic attitudes, we demonstrate that the mediating effects of economic inequality are more critical than the institutional effects.     

党员民主权利保障中存在的问题及对策研究

党员在党内生活中处于主体地位,而党员的这种主体地位主要是通过党员的民主权利来实现的,党章赋予党员的民主权利神圣不可侵犯。因此确立和保障党员民主权利是党内民主建设的重点,是发展党内民主的本质要求和重要体现。用原因分析方法来研究党员民主权利保障现实问题,根据不同问题的产生原因并分析其本质而提出针对性的解决措施,有助于从现实性的角度更好地促进党内民主的发展,促进党内民主建设。     

紧急状态下公民权利的保障——基于公法救济之行政诉讼的视角

时间定格在2008年5月12日,政府紧急权力的行使引起了人们对紧急状态下公民权利保障的深刻反思.传统的紧急状态理论认为,紧急权力的作用旨在保障国家安全、公共福祉;而公民权利在紧急状态时期,往往被作为牺牲的对象.时至今日,在紧急状态下的公民的局部基本权利逐渐得到认可,但大多数基本权利乃至自然权利仍然无法得到与宪政民主精神相一致的保障,这就是公民权利的危机.有权利必有救济,如何保障紧急状态下的公民权利,便成了现代宪政民主国家的普遍困惑.笔者基于公法救济之行政诉讼的视角出发,以期为宪政民主国家寻求一种可塑的解决之道,为公民权利的保障提供一种可能的机制.     

民主治理中的集体行动——一个组织行为学议题及其解释

作为社会科学想象力的产物,集体行动现象的概念化成为公共生活中最重要的一种知识增长.但在既有的学术研究中,集体行动概念要么偏向于社会抗争性事件的分析,要么在新制度主义经济学的理论假设中作出过度操作化的分析.因此,从建构主义行政学出发,在更一般化的理论水平上对集体行动进行研究,这既是科层治理向民主治理转化中提出的一个组织行为学的知识性议题,又是构建前瞻性和承担社会责任的公共行政的关键议题.     

The Downsian roots of affective polarization

A growing literature studies the relationship between ideological and affective polarization. By taking a Downsian approach to affective polarization we contribute to this literature and demonstrating that affective polarization is driven by congruence between citizens and their party, relative to other parties, in the general liberal-conservative space and across a host of salient issue domains. We find robust support for our theory using individual-level national election survey data from the United States, United Kingdom, Germany, and Finland. Moreover, we find that ideological differences inform affective polarization independently from partisan identifications and that they drive more out-party animosity than in-party affinity. These findings have implications towards a more unified understanding of the citizen determinants of affective polarization and the role ideology plays in shaping the views held by partisans across democracies.