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331.
从制度体系看民主政治,是推进国家治理现代化、促进中国特色社会主义民主政治科学发展的一个重要视角,具有重要的方法论意义。民主是一套把各相关元素有机地组合在一起,体现“主权在民”或“人民当家作主”原则的制度体系。从制度体系的角度能够更加准确地把握中国民主政治建设的特殊性,也标示了进一步完善中国特色社会主义民主政治的根本方向。 相似文献
332.
Esther Marijnen 《冲突、安全与发展》2019,19(1):15-34
ABSTRACTLarge-scale infrastructure in conflict-affected states is often seen as a crucial means to pursue economic growth, poverty reduction, and increasingly, peace-building. Legitimated by an emergent ‘Business for Peace’ agenda, a variety of private actors now also engages in such infrastructure projects. The Virunga Alliance is such an initiative which aims to tackle the interlinked problems of poverty, conservation and conflict in the east of DR Congo through commercialised hydro-power. To take stock of the politics unfolding around such infrastructure efforts, this article analyses the Virunga Alliance as a form of ‘technopolitics’. This entails tracing how current is generated, distributed and consumed, and how these processes generate new sites of power and control. In describing how Virunga offers a centralised, more concentrated supply of electricity as an alternative to the decentralised charcoal circuit, we show how electrification contributes to the expansion of a form of capitalism that prioritises big businessmen over small farmers, facilitates rent-seeking by political elites and amplifies social inequalities in Congo. 相似文献
333.
《Communist and Post》2019,52(2):105-115
While socioeconomic crisis – like in Germany after World War I and in Russia after the Cold War – is a necessary precondition for democratic erosion resulting in a breakdown of democracy, it is not a sufficient condition. We identify, in the cases of Weimar Germany and post-Soviet Russia, a post-imperial syndrome that includes nationalist irredentism and an ambition to return to the status quo ante of a “great power” as a main reason why democratization faces specific and enormous challenges for former “great powers.” A slide back to authoritarianism in post-imperial democracies takes a high toll. It is facilitated by international political conflicts, including annexation and wars, with new neighbouring states that harbor territories perceived as external national homelands like the Sudetenland or Crimea. 相似文献
334.
Lea Heyne 《Swiss Political Science Review》2019,25(1):40-63
When analysing support for democracy, researchers tend to assume that ‘democracy’ is a concept that travels across countries. This paper argues that democracy is not the same thing for every citizen, because collective and individual socialization experiences strongly shape the criteria citizens expect a democracy to fulfil. Based on the literature on varieties of democracy, I suppose that individual expectations of democracy are influenced by regime‐specific socialization, and depend on the democratic history, authoritarian legacies, and the prevalent democratic model. Due to socialization and democratic learning, individuals acquire democratic preferences and value those dimensions more which they experience in their own democracy. Using data from the European Social Survey (ESS) and the Democracy Barometer, I test how the national democratic context in 26 European democracies influences these individual democratic ideals. I find evidence for both socialization and participation effects of the democratic context on citizens’ democratic expectations. 相似文献
335.
欧阳华 《天津市工会管理干部学院学报》2004,12(3):18-22
职工民主管理本质上是一种以劳动者为管理主体的管理活动,是劳动者在劳动力产权的基础上,以权力运行为手段,通过一定的组织形式,围绕价值创造和价值分配的统一而进行的管理活动。 相似文献
336.
ABSTRACTTackling redistributive expansion in developing countries, this paper explores broader political consequences of social assistance programmes. Drawing from the Turkish case, where social welfare expanded since the 2000s, it examines attitudes of social assistance beneficiaries towards transition to presidentialism, which was approved in a referendum in 2017, and took effect in 2018. Using the results of an original survey, it indicates that social assistance benefits played a significant role in increasing support for presidentialism, by garnering votes from opposition voters, especially those with high-risk perceptions, in return for benefits. Given the character of Turkish presidentialism, devoid of vital checks and balances, the findings reveal that incumbents can mobilise support by using redistributive instruments in the context of democratic backsliding. 相似文献
337.
Dario Čepo 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2020,20(1):141-159
ABSTRACTCroatia is regarded as a success story of the EU’s enlargement policy. However, this narrative conflicts with the situation on the ground and with expert surveys, which depict incremental, yet persistent democratic backsliding in recent years. A shift towards illiberal practices, primarily focused on the liberal part of the liberal-democratic nexus, is taking place. This research aims to explore the prevalence and causes for the re-emergence of illiberal practices in Croatia by employing an interpretive method to evidence gathered from media articles and research reports published 2013–2019. The use of illiberal policies by the governing Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) in three areas of the political system – the capture of independent agencies, control of the judiciary, and the weakening of independent media – is found to be the driver of democratic backsliding. Causes are found in structural reasons linked to the dominant party. Without either internal power-sharing constraints or external EU conditionality pressure, the HDZ has been able to take advantage of structural weaknesses of the system it built and shaped during the 1990s. 相似文献
338.
梁晓宇 《贵州社会主义学院学报》2013,(2):9-12
民主党派组织是民主党派工作的基础。在新世纪新阶段,一定要认识民主党派组织建设的重要意义,深刻总结民主党派组织工作的主要经验。当前民主党派自身建设已经取得了很大的进展,但是本身还没有达到一种理想状态。所以要通过深入剖析当前民主党派组织建设存在的一些问题题,进而找出解决问题的主要措施和途径。 相似文献
339.
丘德珍 《福建省社会主义学院学报》2010,(4):34-36
本文从推动海峡两岸文化教育交流合作,促进祖国和平发展和平统一出发,阐述了高校民主党派基层组织成员在促进两岸文化教育交流合作中的责任、能力和作用,提出了高校民主党派基层组织应当尽快将资源优势转化成工作优势,把隐性优势转化成现实优势,把优势转化成工作动力的倡议。 相似文献
340.
不对称同盟与韩国的反美主义 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
韩国与美国之间是一种不对称的军事同盟关系。1953年朝鲜战争结束后,应韩国的强烈要求,美国开始在韩国长期驻军。民主化后,韩国的反美主义日益高涨,直接针对韩美军事关系,出现了要求驻韩美军撤出的呼声。韩国人态度发生转变的根源在于:经济的高速发展和政治的民主化激发了韩国人空前的民族主义,由于美国的军事存在与民族主义相冲突,导致一些韩国国民对韩美不平等关系的不满日益增长。尽管韩美两国也试图对双边关系做出调整,但这种调整未能满足韩国人的心理需求,反而激起了更多的不满。 相似文献