中东国家抗争政治的特点分析

抗争政治提供了民主转型的一个视角。根据查尔斯·蒂利的抗争政治理论,2010年底以来中东国家政局动荡中,体制外有一定认同感的集体行动者为抗争主体;客体为政府及其决策者;抗争目的是表达追求自由、民主、民生等公共诉求;具有对抗性、偶然性和创新性特点;并以媒体等信息技术的间接劝说为主。虽然抗争政治对于改变人们的政治认同、培育积极的公民意识以及构建公民社会等方面,有一定的推动作用,但抗争政治与民主化并不具有必然的因果联系。受制于民主与权威之间的矛盾与斗争,中东国家要选择符合现实国情的民主道路可谓任重而道远。     

以人为本、民主公正：社会主义核心价值的科学内涵

社会主义核心价值的科学内涵可概括为“以人为本,民主公正”。以人为本,侧重于社会主义性质和本质的层面界定社会主义的核心价值,即回答社会主义是一种怎样的社会形态（价值理念）;民主公正,则侧重于从政治关系和社会关系变革的层面界定社会主义的核心价值,即回答如何完善和发展社会主义社会形态（价值指向、价值标准）。社会主义核心价值是社会主义核心价值体系的本质和主导,离开核心价值的最本质方面,社会主义核心价值体系的相关内容则会流于空谈,甚至会走偏方向。在当前我国关键发展时期,坚持和弘扬以人为本、民主公正的核心价值,在以人为本、民主公正的基点上引领社会思潮、统一思想认识、化解社会矛盾、推动社会进步,具有更加特殊的现实意义。     

Is the Democratic Party’s superdelegate system unfair to voters?

Among the reasons for the historic nature of the 2008 Democratic primary race was the attention paid to the “superdelegates”. The competitiveness of the primary and the important role the superdelegates played has led to calls for reform. This paper develops a formal model that explains why superdelegates selected one candidate over the other and why some superdelegates committed early in the primary season while others waited. Hypotheses are tested using an original dataset collected during the 2008 Democratic primary. The results suggest that although some superdelegates made their decision based on personal, idiosyncratic factors, for many superdelegates, Democratic voters played the most important role in their commitment process.     

Kinshasa: An urban elite considers city,nation and state

The declining salience of the nation state has led to an interest in whether other socially constructed forms, such as the city, have replaced it as a source of accumulation, belief and identity. This article seeks to explore whether this is true in the case of the capital of one of Africa's least successful states, Kinshasa in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). A survey explored the views towards the city of Kinshasa on the past of a variety of middle-class professional people as potential leaders in different occupations resident in different quarters of the city with roots in different parts of the DRC. Despite their somewhat abject material condition and despite extensive contacts internationally, the old dream of the nation state remains relatively strong among them while feelings towards the city largely reflect its situation in that dream rather than any new kind of loyalty. Members this class have extensive national networks of professional contact that help define their identity. New kinds of urban identity with cultural or political meaning beyond this could not be discerned contrary to the perspective held out initially.     

Soviet conspiracy theories and political culture in Ukraine: Understanding Viktor Yanukovych and the Party of Regions

Conspiracy theories in Ukraine draw on inherited Soviet political culture and political technology imported from Russia where such ideas had gained ascendancy under President Vladimir Putin. Eastern Ukrainian and Russian elites believed that the US was behind the 2000 Serbian Bulldozer, 2003 Georgian Rose and 2004 Orange democratic revolutions. The Kuchmagate crisis, impending succession crisis, 2004 presidential elections and Orange Revolution – all of which took up most of Leonid Kuchma’s second term in office – were the first significant domestic threats to Ukraine’s new, post-communist ruling elites and in response Ukraine’s elites revived Soviet style theories of conspiracies and ideological tirades against the US and Ukrainian nationalism. Opposition candidate Viktor Yushchenko became the focal point against which the conspiracies and tirades were launched because his support base lay in ‘nationalist’ Western Ukraine and he has a Ukrainian-American spouse. The revival of Soviet style conspiracy theories has become important since Viktor Yanukovyc’s election as Ukrainian president in 2010 because this political culture permeates his administration, government and Party of Regions determining their worldview and influencing their domestic and foreign policies.     

以改革创新精神推进人民政协的民主监督

政协民主监督是在我国社会主义政党体制内,在团结合作的政党关系基础上,通过民主的方式对共产党实行的一种政治监督。政协民主监督具有自己独特的优势。然而,由于思想上、制度上和机制上的原因,人民政协民主监督存在不同程度的问题。坚持和完善人民政协民主监督,是我国政治制度赋予人民政协的重要职能,是坚定不移发展社会主义民主政治的必然要求。     

协商民主在中国生长的土壤——从传统社会的价值观念角度分析

协商民主是西方社会为修补选举民主而提出的民主的一种形式,又叫慎议民主。但是就协商民主的实践来看,中国政治体制已经走在这种民主模式的前列。本文以传统中国社会的价值观念予以阐述剖析,协商的传统根生于中国社会。     

网络时代加强民主党派宣传思想工作的思考

民主党派宣传思想工作肩负着“内强素质,外塑形象”的重要职责,是民主党派自身建设的重要环节和基础性工程。面对网络时代迅猛发展给民主党派宣传思想工作带来的发展机遇和严峻挑战,要高度强化网络时代做好宣传思想工作的观念和意识,牢牢掌握宣传思想工作的主动权,充分利用网络资源加强民主党派宣传思想工作,增强宣传思想工作的针对性和实效性。     

强化政协民主监督职能的理性思考

民主监督职能薄弱,是人民政协事业的焦点问题之一。本文从政协民主监督的内涵出发,对政协民主监督的优势和限度进行了法理辨析,阐述了加强政协民主监督的重要意义,提出了当前强化民主监督的措施:通过对法律、政策和机制的改进与完善,优化民主监督环境;通过开展对执政党的监督、开展不可行性论证、发挥政协组织化作用以及加强与其他监督形式的整合,激发政协民主监督职能的活力。     

恩格斯“历史合力论”的当代阐发——“四位一体”的再解读

十六大以来,国家倡导的构建社会主义和谐社会,是马克思唯物史观的当代运用,是＂历史合力论＂的当代阐发。处于转型时期的当代中国,过分的强调了经济基础决定上层建筑,经济决定一切,这样一个理论,而忽视了社会其它因素的作用,在改革开放30年之后,经济上发展起来了,而相应的政治、文化、社会却被忽视了。在这样一个背景下,提出＂四位一体＂无疑具有极其重要的意义。