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101.
李婵媛 《福建公安高等专科学校学报》2010,(2):79-88
被害人补偿制度是我国近年来司法改革中关注的热点,但学界多从理论上对该制度进行资料整合式的研究,缺少对国外具体实践的近距离观察和分析。对被害人补偿制度比较先进的美国加以探究,将美国联邦及各州被害人补偿机构设置、资金来源、申请程序、资格要求等方面与我国被害人补偿制度的已有实践相比较,以期对我国正式立法构建被害人补偿制度路径有所启发。 相似文献
102.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):186-207
We utilize pooled data from Zogby International's 2002 Arab Values Survey (carried out in Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Kuwait, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, and UAE) in order to test for “cultural,” “social” and/or international “political” influences on Arab Muslim attitudes toward “Western” countries (Canada, France, Germany, UK, and USA). We find little support for “cultural” hypotheses to the effect that hostility to the West is a mark-up on Muslim and/or Arab identity. We find only limited support for “social” hypotheses that suggest that hostility to the West is predicted by socioeconomic deprivation, youth, and/or being male. We find the strongest support for a lone “political” hypothesis: hostility toward specific Western countries is predicted by those countries' recent and visible international political actions in regard to salient international issues (e.g., Western foreign policies toward Palestine). 相似文献
103.
《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2012,47(4):109-124
ABSTRACTSince the 2003 regime change in Iraq and the 2011 Arab uprisings, the political map of the Middle East has been in flux. Regional actors have taken advantage of emerging windows of opportunity, which have affected the outcome of this process. Saudi Arabia’s role as an aspiring regional hegemon in the region is salient: the country’s assertive course in shaping its neighbourhood coincides with a more independent foreign policy that goes beyond the traditional US alliance and seeks to diversify its international partners. This diversification of Saudi foreign policy since the ascension to the throne of King Salman in 2015 is explained by using the IR concept of hedging. 相似文献
104.
Mathew A. Foust 《Criminal justice ethics》2018,37(1):36-54
The killings of Trayvon Martin, Michael Brown, Eric Garner, Tamir Rice, Alton Sterling, Philando Castile, and others have instigated widespread debate concerning the ethics and politics of police behavior toward young black men in America. In this article, I show how Josiah Royce’s philosophy of loyalty provides a useful theoretical framework for diagnosing and working to overcome strained relations between police and black citizens in the United States. I begin by establishing the relevance of Royce’s thought to the realm of police ethics. Then, I argue that Royce’s notion of loyalty to loyalty is a useful and powerful lens through which we can examine the practice of police discretion, particularly as it comes to bear on racial profiling and use of force. I conclude by offering what I regard as Roycean recommendations aimed at ameliorating the fractured relationship between police and blacks in America today. 相似文献
105.
Since 2000 the cooperation between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states has been governed through the Cotonou Partnership Agreement. This article complements existing research that focuses on Brussels-based stakeholders with an analysis drawing on the existing literature and on stakeholders' perceptions of ACP–EU cooperation and ACP institutions gathered via interviews in nine ACP countries. The findings presented observe a social disconnect between, on the one hand, the Cotonou Partnership Agreement's institutions and Brussels-based representatives, and, on the other hand, the broad-based and multistakeholder partnership they are tasked to promote. The article points to low levels of support in ACP countries, particularly in Africa, to continued ACP–EU cooperation in its present form, and stresses the need for an open and participatory process of reviewing and reshaping ACP–EU relations. 相似文献
106.
Scott Firsing 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(1):105-133
The United States pictured a bright future with a strategic country when the new South African government took power in 1994. They envisioned a strong partnership in political, economic and security realms. The bilateral relationship did not turn out to be as easy as many in America might have envisioned. Despite notable camaraderie during the Mandela–Clinton administrations, there was a considerable downward swing in US–South African relations during the Bush administration. This situation has since appeared to reverse itself during the current Obama and Zuma administrations. This paper, through the lens of ‘asymmetry theory’ as developed by Brantly Womack, seeks to shed light on how a rollercoaster relationship such as this can go through such fluctuations and not end in extreme tension. 相似文献
107.
J. N. C. Hill 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(10):2016-2031
AbstractThis article contributes to the Global International Relations project by critically evaluating the roles ascribed to Europe and the EU by Levitsky and Way in their model for explaining regime transitions. Focusing primarily on their international dimensions of linkage and leverage, it assesses both the normative geopolitical underpinnings and explanatory power of their thesis, drawing on the North African cases of Tunisia and Mauritania at the start of the Arab Spring to illustrate and substantiate its observations and arguments. It concludes that the EU’s failure to discipline either country’s competitive authoritarian regime raises important questions about the validity of the privileged role in which they cast Europe. 相似文献
108.
张健 《江南社会学院学报》2013,(4):39-42
进入新世纪以来,我国在外交领域积极推行全方位外交,努力发展同阿拉伯国家的关系。中阿经贸论坛于2013年9月正式升格为中阿博览会,成为中阿关系史上又一具有里程碑意义的重大事件。中阿博览会在推动中阿经济发展的同时,也为稳定和发展中阿关系提供了更高层次的互动机制,具有重大的国际政治意义。 相似文献
109.
黎海波 《江南社会学院学报》2013,(1):45-48
无论是在理论上还是在实践中,领事保护和外交保护都是一个较难明确区分的问题。“是否用尽当地救济”是区分二者的关键标准。然而,很多混淆的产生是与国家责任条款的变化、对国家责任的产生存在误解,以及对外交保护的实体权利和程序条件不分有关。由于国家责任条款和外交保护条款的双重影响,传统领事保护与外交保护当中,出现了部分交融的趋势。这种融合,实际上就是部分外交保护转化为领事保护,这就扩展了领事保护的范围,提升了领事保护的程度,使得海外公民的权利更能得到及时的保护和补救。 相似文献
110.
认同是国家利益的来源,从两个途径制约着国家的外交政策。以阿拉伯认同对伊拉克外交政策塑造为主线,伊拉克外交可以分为前萨达姆时期、萨达姆时期与后萨达姆时期三个阶段,在此三个阶段中,库尔德民族认同、伊斯兰宗教认同、逊尼派和什叶派的宗派认同对外交政策的影响力也同时存在。伊拉克国家认同缺失正是其外交政策导向多变的原因,重新构建强大的国家认同,在国家认同指导下展开自主的外交交往,是伊拉克消除内乱、提高国际信用度的可取出路。 相似文献