Commonwealth Small States,Education and Environmental Uncertainty: Learning from the Sharp End

ABSTRACT

This paper examines the Commonwealth’s inclusive role in engaging with the distinctive challenges of education provision in small states, an agenda that is often neglected elsewhere. We examine the origins of Commonwealth work on education in small states, the nature of its comparative advantage, its role in facilitating small states’ engagement with international education dialogue and regional co-operation, and the demand and potential for ongoing Commonwealth support for education. Particular attention is given to experience within the Caribbean region and to the potential for the Commonwealth and the wider international community to learn from small states in the light of their distinctive educational challenges, achievements and priorities – and, most notably, their experience at the ‘sharp end’ of environmental uncertainty and climate change.     

Kazakhstani public opinion of the United States and Russia: testing variables of (un)favourability

ABSTRACT

Though Central Asia is often studied through the prism of its relationships with external powers, research on local public perceptions of these different actors has largely been overlooked. The literature on Kazakhstanis’ perceptions of their neighbours, for instance, is scarce, and mostly focused on analysis of official discourse on Kazakhstan’s multi-vector policy, with little exploration of how this is received, appropriated or refuted by the population. On the basis of Gallup data spanning the last decade, and several other surveys, we test most of the main hypotheses usually advanced to explain attitudes to the US and Russia – age, ethnicity and access to information – and draw five main conclusions: (1) Kazakhstanis are not defined by an exclusive pro-US/pro-Russian dichotomy; (2) they nevertheless largely choose Russia over the US if forced to pick; (3) age does not have a significant effect on foreign policy attitudes; (4) ethnicity does affect some of the attitudes under consideration, but its effects are not large enough to produce markedly different opinions among ethnic Kazakhs and ethnic Russians in aggregate; and (5) consumption of media from Russia and access to non-governmental and Western sources of information do not seem to have significant effects on the attitudes under consideration.     

中国国家利益与美国主导的国际反恐利益的重合与排异——兼论中国外交空间的开辟和外交资源的利用

国际恐怖主义与国际反恐斗争引起国际关系的急剧变化和大国关系的调整.大国关系的调整及缓和源于大国安全观念的变化.尽管中国国家安全利益与美国主导的国际反恐利益之间存在一些分歧,但也有较多利益交汇与重合.这为中国外交提供了更为广阔的活动空间,也为中国积累了新的外交资源.中国可着力于外交空间的开辟和外交资源的利用,扩大"两个利益"间的共同点,同时,缩小并弥合分歧,从根本上维护中国国家安全利益.     

2008年以来民进党修补与美国互信关系的效果及前景分析

2008年民进党下台以来，持续透过访美、恢复驻美代表处、在两岸政策和对美政策上积极迎合美国等做法，修补与美国的互信关系，为其重返执政创造条件。民进党对美示好的做好虽得到美方善意回应，但因民进党拒绝放弃“台独”立场，无法提出令美放心的两岸政策新主张，因此双方互信提升程度有限，美始终对民进党重新执政充满疑虑。因受美国对台战略考虑、民进党两岸政策转型的复杂性等因素制约，未来双方关系的发展前景充满变数。     

中国与美国体育法比较研究

体育法律制度的发展是与社会政治、经济、文化的发展密切相关的.世界各国的体育立法随着经济、社会发展不断强化和变革.致使各国体育法也不尽相同,体育法规定着体育与国家的关系,规定着体育的法律地位,因此,我国体育法制的建设应通过对美国体育法的比较,吸收和借鉴其成功经验,结合我国体育立法现状,为建设有中国特色的体育法律体系提供一些理论依据,从而完善我国体育法律体系.     

试论中东伊斯兰国家“乌里玛”的政治参与及其现实作用

人们看待中东，往往看到的是伊斯兰行动主义的军事组织所从事的政治或破坏性的负面社会行为。但事实上，宗教在政治中的影响远远超过了这些组织的影响，特别是国内外一些学者忽视了“乌里玛”（Ulama）阶层。然而，从乌里玛参与现实政治作用的历史依据、“乌里玛”现实政治参与的社会基础、乌里玛政治参与的体现及其作用三个层面的体现，可以看到乌里玛在中东伊斯兰国家所扮演的重要角色。     

Transatlantic Economic Relations in a Changing Global Political Economy: Achieving Togetherness but Missing the Bus?

This article focuses on the changing context for transatlantic relations within the global political economy. The first part of the article identifies key areas of structural change in the GPE and in particular the potentially revolutionary shifts caused by global instability and the emergence of new economic powers. The argument then explores changing patterns of economic relations between the EU and the US, within a general framework of continuity created by the coexistence of competition and convergence. These contextual factors are then related to patterns of Atlanticism and transatlanticism, to questions of values and identities in the GPE and to the possibility of an EU–US 'grand strategy' for the changing GPE. The conclusion argues that although there is perhaps more secure ground for a sustainable EU–US 'compact' than previously, the EU and the US may have 'missed the bus' in terms of jointly shaping the future of the global economy.     

韩国出兵越南对其国家发展的影响

参加越南战争对于韩国来说是一次经济发展的有利时机.在与美国关于越南战争问题的讨价还价之中,韩国不仅获得了大量的美国战争补贴,还获得了企业开拓市场的机会,同时在政治上增强了自身的国际地位和与美国讨价还价的砝码.因此,韩国出兵越南参加越南战争成为推动国家发展的一把利剑.     

The Road to Brussels: Austria's Integration Policy, 1955-72

If one analyzes Austrian integration policy, a range of repeating elements becomes visible. Starting with the 1950s, continued efforts to intensify economic and trade relations with the Common Market can be witnessed. This occurred in the form of step by step cooperation with European institutions. Since 1955 Austria's integration policy had been accompanied by the maintenance of and focus on 'permanent neutrality'. Among the EFTA states, Austria was the country the EEC sympathized with most, for it was important with regard to foreign and trade policy in the context of the East-West conflict. Austria was of central geostrategic significance. With regard to Russia's attitude, Austria succeeded in underlining its 'special case'. Austria's policy of going it alone failed in 1967 for several reasons, not only because of Italy's veto. There were also French reservations and Russian objections. Bridging the gap to Brussels revealed wishful thinking that was only to become true in 1972. An arrangement of bilateral tariff and trade treaties with different EFTA states and the EEC and ECSC came into force.     

经济视角下俄中美战略三边关系的重构

21世纪以来，俄罗斯、中国和美国一直在重新定义它们的国际角色，尤其是在世界经济力量和经济增长模式重新恢复平衡的环境中，俄中美三国正力图构建一个有利于自身经济发展的国际格局。运用SWOT经济分析方法对俄中关三国经济发展进行预测，可以看出三国由三角关系走向三边关系是具有必然性的。由这一点出发，我们才能在后危机时代有效地把握世界格局的走向，维护国家利益，从而促进世界和平与经济发展。