开启弹子锁的痕迹比对及技术防范分析

基于弹子锁的结构和开启原理,介绍了犯罪现场较常见的开启弹子锁(包括特殊锁具)的方法:钥匙开启与特殊工具开启。通过对开启痕迹的分析判断,可以区分开启方法,对警方破案具有积极地引导作用。文末提出了弹子锁的改进方法,对弹子锁的生产改进具有积极地意义。     

浅析怛逻斯战役及其影响

751年在中亚地区发生的大食与唐帝国的怛罗斯战役，历来为各国史学家所关注。本文有意对该战役爆发的背景、经过、结果及其唐文化在西亚的传播，对西亚各国的影响略作陈述，以便加深对这场战争在中亚和西亚地区所发生深刻影响的认识。     

春季尸体腹腔腐败气压在法医学死亡时间推断中的应用研究

目的 研究尸体腹腔腐败气压在春季的发展变化规律及其用于推断死后经过时间的方法。方法用实验动物山羊57只,分陆地处死和水中溺死两大组,用自行研制的“腐败气压测定仪”,定时系统测量动物尸体腹腔内的腐败气压。结果 得出尸体腹腔内腐败气压的发展变化规律,并据此建立测量腹腔腐败气压推断死后经过时间的方法。研究了数种死亡方式、尸体所处环境和个体差异等的影响。结论 该研究成果填补了法医学中尸体腐败气压发展变化规律研究、检测腐败气压推算死后经过时间和腐败气压测定仪等的多项空白,丰富了该领域的法医学内容。     

Morocco: the Promise of Democracy and the Reality of Authoritarianism

The survival of the Moroccan monarchy amidst the wave of protests that characterised the Arab uprisings did not come as a surprise to observers of the Kingdom. Despite the size of the protests in February 2011, demonstrators never demanded the fall of the monarchy and the king was never in danger of being dethroned. Once the King reclaimed political leadership through the launch of a constitutional reform, the protest movement faded and whatever challenge to the pre-eminence of the monarchy might have existed ended quickly. A number of explanations have been advanced for the survival of authoritarianism in Morocco, but they generally rehash conventional wisdoms about Moroccan politics that might no longer be as valid as they were in past. Less obvious factors, ranging from repressive practices to ‘de-politicisation through technocracy’ and from the complex impact of neo-liberal economics on social relations to divisions within the opposition, contributed to the survival of the monarchy.     

Most Significant Change in conflict settings: staff development through monitoring and evaluation

Capoeira4Refugees is an NGO that uses the Afro-Brazilian art form of Capoeira to promote psychosocial well-being in children affected by conflict and occupation. Capoeira4Refugees introduced the Most Significant Change (MSC) methodology to monitor and evaluate project implementation and impact across two locations in the Middle East. Analysis of interviews conducted with five field staff revealed that in line with, and building on, previous research, MSC became an empowering tool that led to staff development. The potential for MSC to build staff reflexivity, independence, and leadership has implications for other organisations working in conflict areas, particularly in situations of remote management.     

The Nature and Correlates of Dating Violence among Jewish and Arab Youths in Israel

The objectives of this research were to assess the prevalence and severity of dating violence among Jewish and Arab, male and female Israeli youths, to examine the sociodemographic variables related to dating violence among Israeli adolescents, and to assess whether the variables correlated with dating violence differ among Jewish and Arab, male and female youths. The random sample consisted of 1357 students (640 Jewish and 717 Arab youths). We used five types of dating violence measures: threatening, relational, physical, sexual, and verbal abuse. The principal finding is that dating violence is very high among Israeli youths, especially among Arabs. Males show higher mean scores of dating violence, but females are involved in every type of dating violence. The discussion attempts to explain the differences between the two cultures and genders, and considers the theoretical and practical implications of the results.     

Regions that matter: the Arab–South American interregional space

This article critiques interregionalism as a concept that is trapped in the European Union (EU) foreign policy toolkit narrative, which in turn structures what can be said meaningfully and legitimately about interregionalism. Drawing on the experience of the Arab–South American (ASPA) Summit, it shows that, when speaking on interregionalism in International Relations (IR), one need not be speaking about the EU interregional model, which is understood as a vertical relationship established between the EU and an objectified regional partner of its choice. Rather, a broader definition for interregionalism is proposed, one that builds up from the basic ‘region-to-region’ dialogue–arrangement–cooperation and interrogates the meaning it has for those who engage in this practice. This was made possible by the construction of a framework for the analysis of the practices that lead to the materialisation of the ASPA interregional discourse and that reveal how this form of interregionalism in the Global South ‘matters’ in IR.     

Drugs of choice,drugs of change: Egyptian consumption habits since the 1920s

Abstract

Much has been written and published about the 25 January 2011 Egyptian revolution from the perspective of contemporary history and political science. Much less attention has focused on social policy. I am unaware of any scholarly material that has dealt with illicit drugs during the critical 2011–2016 period, yet increasing drugs consumption provided a social backdrop to the events of that period. This paper identifies historical trends in illicit drugs consumption over the course of the last century to the beginning of the Arab Spring. During much of this period hashish was the drug of choice. This paper argues that drug consumption was on the rise in Egypt well before the downfall of President Husni Mubarak in February 2011, but that it has grown markedly since the ousting of the former president. It will ask which have been and are the drugs of choice in contemporary Egypt. It will further ask how this composition has changed and why, giving special focus to the relatively new mass, opioid drug, Tramadol.     

Between Scylla and Charybdis: religion,the military and support for democracy among Egyptians, 2011–2014

Democracy as a form of civilian rule must navigate a path between clerical and military powers, both of which are highly engaged in the politics of post-Mubarak Egypt. The authors ask in this article how mass support for democracy changed in Egypt between 2011 and 2014, and how this support is connected with views on religion and the role of the military. This question is important for understanding the prospects for democracy in a major state in the Arab world. It is also of comparative interest because of what change in the social and ideological drivers of mass attitudes may tell us about the nature of democratic support more generally. The authors’ analysis is based on nationally representative surveys of Egyptians in 2011 after the country’s first post-Mubarak parliamentary elections and in 2014 after the removal of the Islamist President Morsi. The findings indicate that Egyptians in large numbers favour both democracy and unfettered military intervention in politics. The authors also observe important shifts in the social bases of support for democracy away from religion but also from economic aspiration. Negative political experience with democratic procedures in 2011–2013 seems to be the strongest factor behind the observed decrease in democratic support.     

Self-expression values,loyalty generation,and support for authoritarianism: evidence from the Arab world

This study examines the micro foundations of political support in Arab polities. Most Arab states rank highly in aggregate human development or economic wealth, but they lag behind in democracy defying the predictions of modernization theory. Modernization and human development perspective implies that increased resources and self-expression values will induce critical political outlooks toward the regime. This study questions the applicability of this theory to the Arab region and proposes that colonial state formation history, international patron–client relations, and the domestic patronage networks have more leverage in explaining regime support in the Arab region. A series of multilevel and fixed effects regression estimations utilizing the Arab Democracy Barometer reveal that modernization perspective has some relevance. However, world system theory inspired patron–client perspective and loyalty generation through domestic distributive mechanisms play a greater role in shaping political attitudes. The results provide important insights about micro foundations of Arab authoritarianism and the differential utility of emancipative values formed in the context of hierarchical world order.