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71.
Neale Richmond 《The Political quarterly》2023,94(1):115-121
Despite all the contemporary difficulties that we face on the island of Ireland, twenty-four years on from the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, there is a clear sense of hope for a better future. We should be optimistic for our shared future, even if we do not agree on what form that should take. We cannot discuss Northern Ireland or its future without acknowledging that Brexit has significantly shifted the conversation. Not only has it brought Anglo-Irish relations to a low not seen in the past twenty-five years, but it has also damaged the reputation of the UK internationally and brought the topic of Irish unity back to the fore of our political discourse. 相似文献
72.
国际民事诉讼管辖权与国际商事仲裁管辖权是并行的两种解决国际民商事争议的制度,两者既有共同之处,亦存在着很多差异。为了厘清国际民事诉讼管辖权与国际商事仲裁管辖权之间的关系,本文从多个角度对两者的联系、区别及其冲突与协调三个方面进行了探讨。 相似文献
73.
M. Sornarajah 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2006,6(4):329-357
The 1990s brought about a change in the international law of foreign investment due to the primacy achieved by the tenets
of neo-liberalism. They drove concerns about the environment and poverty away from the concerns of the law and gave priority
to the interests of multinational corporations by enhancing their ability for movement of assets and the absolute protection
of these assets through treaty rules. The regime created by this law was operated through secure systems of dispute settlement
through arbitration which also enabled the stabilization of these rules. In the process, private power of a section within
the hegemonic state was able to subvert international law through the use of low order sources of the law and secure a system
of investment promotion and protection. The restoration of the more universal themes of environmental protection and poverty
alleviation is necessary. This paper outlines the developments that accentuated the sectional interests of multinational capital
and explores the means by which a change that reflects the global interests could be effected.
相似文献
M. SornarajahEmail: |
74.
中国-东盟自由贸易区的建立对于其缔约国的经济发展,对世界区域经济一体化具有重要的作用。但是,伴随其经济发展、贸易交往的频繁,其商贸争端也增多。仲裁作为一种解决商贸纠纷的手段,对区域内经济和谐稳定增长、商贸关系发展良好有着不可替代的作用。本文旨在分析商贸争端的仲裁解决机制。 相似文献
75.
Applying the Strategies of International Peacebuilding to Family Conflicts: What Those Involved in Family Disputes Can Learn from the Efforts of Peacebuilders Working to Transform War‐Torn Societies
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Intractable international conflicts and difficult or intractable family conflicts have much in common. Relationships are damaged or destroyed, escalation causes parties to become polarized and make bad decisions, communication is strained or nonexistent, and competition and coercion take the place of collaboration. Similarities also exist in the realm of solutions, and those caught in (or intervening in) difficult family conflicts can learn much from the strategies and tactics of international peacebuilders. This article describes eight steps that peacebuilders at both the family level and the international level can take to make very damaging conflicts more constructive.
- Key Points for the Family Court Community:
- Limiting escalation is important in both contexts.
- Preventing or correcting misunderstandings is key to resolution in both contexts as well.
- Be sure you are focusing on the real problem(s).
- Get the facts straight (and agreed upon) before making agreements.
- Healing past wrongs is important for long term stability.
- Working both within and beyond the zone of possible agreement (ZOPA) is essential in both contexts.
- Working to improve relationships helps all parties and improves the outcome.
76.
刑事诉讼信息共建共享问题研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
邵俊 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2019,33(1):36-44
对比司法信息化建设整体迅猛发展,刑事诉讼信息的共建共享明显滞后,公检法机关的信息化建设呈现信息孤岛现象。这造成司法资源的大量浪费,成为阻碍司法信息化发展的基础性难题。刑事诉讼信息互联互通协议是指公安、检察院、法院等办案机关就办案信息共享和传递问题达成共识。这种协议可以有效地打破刑事办案机关之间的数据壁垒,是推进刑事诉讼共建共享的现实路径。协议需要充分应对信息共建共享可能给以审判为中心的诉讼架构、卷宗移送模式、控辩平等关系、司法责任带来的负面效应,协调技术理性和司法规律的关系。同时,刑事诉讼信息共建共享在运行中需处理好以下具体问题:建议将政法委作为协议主责机关,制定长远的发展计划;进一步推动卷宗电子化;实行涉案财物统一管理;妥善解决信息保密问题。 相似文献
77.
Knowledge H. Matarutse Ronald Chipaike 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2017,24(3):355-374
Several African, Caribbean and Pacific countries are currently negotiating World Trade Organization (WTO)-compatible reciprocal economic partnership agreements (EPAs) with the European Union (EU), agreements intended to supersede the one-sided trade preferences of the Lomé Convention. This study focuses on impediments which have bedevilled the EU–East and Southern Africa (ESA) negotiations for a transition from an interim EPA to a comprehensive EPA. These talks, which ran from 2007 to 2014, followed the expiry of a WTO waiver and the ESA's successful resistance to elements of the EU's agenda considered offensive, despite envisaged benefits provided for by the Cotonou Partnership Agreement of 2000 calling for EPAs. The study is based on qualitative primary research in which data from interviews was augmented by a synthesis of secondary sources and analysed through a thematic coding system. Findings reveal asymmetrical power relations, a marked heterogeneity in the ESA and outstanding issues in the interim EPA and WTO regulations as major impediments to the transition to a comprehensive EPA. 相似文献
78.
申请加入DEPA不仅是中国主动参与全球数字治理的“先手棋”,更是深化国内改革和高水平开放的关键决策,有助于中国加快构建新发展格局。为推动数字经济由产业创新驱动转向更多依赖技术创新、制度创新驱动的新阶段,中国可重点在数据流动、数字技术、数字产品、数字创新和网络安全五大领域主动对接DEPA协定要求;进一步地,系统化构建以数字自由贸易港为核心,以数字营商环境示范区为抓手、以数字经济产业先行区为重点、以数字经济国际合作区为纽带、以数字经济创新试验区为动能的“一港四区”格局,推动中国数字经济开放发展、创新发展。 相似文献
79.
Since 2000 the cooperation between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states has been governed through the Cotonou Partnership Agreement. This article complements existing research that focuses on Brussels-based stakeholders with an analysis drawing on the existing literature and on stakeholders' perceptions of ACP–EU cooperation and ACP institutions gathered via interviews in nine ACP countries. The findings presented observe a social disconnect between, on the one hand, the Cotonou Partnership Agreement's institutions and Brussels-based representatives, and, on the other hand, the broad-based and multistakeholder partnership they are tasked to promote. The article points to low levels of support in ACP countries, particularly in Africa, to continued ACP–EU cooperation in its present form, and stresses the need for an open and participatory process of reviewing and reshaping ACP–EU relations. 相似文献
80.
Henri Bezuidenhout Carike Claassen 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(2):227-246
South African dominance of trade in Africa as well as its position as a regional hegemon was entrenched by the Trade, Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) with the European Union in 1999. South Africa's full-blown integration into the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) formation since 2011 has brought new dynamics, however, as South Africa now has a marked BRICS orientation. Although the European Union (EU) as a bloc is still South Africa's largest trading partner, China has become South Africa's largest single-country trading partner. The question arises as to whether this new found loyalty makes sense in terms of South Africa's regional position and its trade prospects. Against the background of more intra-industry trade with the EU and the new and growing inter-industry trade with the other BRICS economies, South Africa's trade share of African trade has been in relative decline. This study uses an international political economy framework to analyse South African trade hegemony based on the TDCA and the possible effects of a shift towards BRICS. The conclusion is that, although the shift towards BRICS can politically be justified, economically it should not be at the expense of the benefits of the more advantageous relationship with the EU. 相似文献