俄罗斯亚太能源战略评析——基于远东油气管道项目的视角

俄罗斯远东地区油气储量巨大,21世纪初,俄罗斯能源战略明确提出开发东西伯利亚和远东油气资源、加快能源基础设施建设的倡议,并将亚太地区作为未来俄罗斯油气出口地理结构多元化的优先发展方向。西伯利亚力量天然气管道和东西伯利亚—太平洋石油管道是俄罗斯通往亚太地区的两大油气运输基础设施项目,2019年底这两大项目草案均取得了重要进展。随着远东油气管道的建设与开通,中俄能源关系日益密切,双方都致力于从能源关系多样化的角度构筑有利于彼此的能源安全体系,有望结成利益与共的能源命运共同体。同时,俄罗斯也在积极发展与亚太其他国家的能源关系,推动建立亚太能源安全体系。鉴于俄罗斯向亚太市场供应能力的持续增强,将促使原有的区域能源供需关系和国际能源格局发生改变。然而,资金、消费市场、地缘安全环境等不确定因素对俄罗斯亚太能源战略的未来走势形成制约。为此,在当前全球能源生产呈多中心化趋势、能源需求重心东移的背景下,亟须建立行之有效的亚太多边能源对话与合作机制,搭建起亚洲能源生产和消费的共享平台,逐步实现能源基础设施的互联互通以共同防范外部冲击、避免无序竞争,增强区域整体的能源实力。     

美国新战略下阿富汗安全形势及其对中国西部边境安全的影响

2009年3月，美国总统奥巴马宣布了新的“阿富汗和巴基斯坦战略”，该战略有两个显著特点，一个特点是将巴基斯坦因素纳入到新战略框架中，另一特点是大量增兵阿富汗。阿富汗与中国相邻，其国内安全形势对中国西部边境地区的安全有着重要影响。     

Legal developments and industry issues relevant to IT,media and telecommunications law in key jurisdictions across the Asia Pacific

This column provides a country by country analysis of the latest legal developments, cases and issues relevant to the IT, media and telecommunications' industries in key jurisdictions across the Asia Pacific region. The articles appearing in this column are intended to serve as ‘alerts’ and are not submitted as detailed analyses of cases or legal developments.     

亚太大国关系的历史变迁:单极?两极?还是多极?

亚太大国关系经历了四个阶段变迁。第一阶段是19世纪中叶以前,中国是亚太惟一“超级大国”,在亚太居于支配地位。第二阶段从19世纪中叶至20世纪中叶,亚太形成发育不完善的多极结构,这一时期是亚太最动荡的时期。从1945年到冷战结束,亚太大国关系进入第三阶段,其特征是两极结构。以冷战结束为契机,亚太大国关系结构进入第四阶段。第四阶段,亚太大国关系既不是单极结构或“新两极”对峙,也不是完整意义上的多极结构,而是一种单极、两极、多极结构的混合体。其中美国拥有全面优势,中美关系是亚太支配性的战略关系,但日、印、俄、东盟等力量也将起重要的平衡作用。     

海峡西岸经济区金融支持经济发展的实证研究

本文实证检验了以福建省为主体的海峡西岸经济区金融发展与经济增长之间的关系。首先从金融体系的总量、市场化程度、效率三方面考察了福建省金融发展水平;随后用时间序列模型对90年代以来福建省金融支持经济发展的作用进行了回归分析,并得到了相关结论。     

开放经济条件下发展中地区的区域创新系统——基于长江三角洲地区的比较研究

改革开放以来,长江三角洲地区的高速发展在一定程度上得益于其各具特色的区域创新系统。在开放经济条件下,区域创新系统可以有不同的模式,但应注意,要促进相互间具有高效、有机联系的创新主体的成长,积极利用区域的内部和外部资源,高度重视地区性的产业集聚,根据本地的实际构建与周边地区相协调的开放式的区域创新系统。     

陕甘宁边区对刑事被告人权利保护的立法略论

陕甘宁边区政府时期的立法，不仅注意保护一般人权，对于刑事被告人的宪法性权利、诉讼权利也给予较为全面的保障。这一系列立法规定，维护了边区司法的严肃和公正，表现了革命立法的人道主义，也代表了边区政府立法的民主和进步。     

Beyond elections: perceptions of democracy in four Arab countries

This article draws on public opinion survey data from Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, and Jordan to investigate first, whether a “demand for democracy” in the region exists; second, how to measure it; and third, how respondents understand it. The picture emerging from this analysis is complex, eluding the simple dichotomy between prima facie support and second order incongruence with democracy, which characterises current debates. Respondents have a more holistic understanding of democracy than is found in current scholarship or indeed pursued by Western or regional policymakers, valuing civil-political rights but prioritizing socio-economic rights. There is broad consensus behind principles of gender equality, but indirect questions reveal the continuing influence of conservative and patriarchal attitudes. Respondents value religion, but do not trust religious leaders or want them to meddle in elections or government. Moreover, while there is broad support for conventionally-understood pillars of liberal democracy (free elections, a parliamentary system), there is also a significant gap between those who support democracy as the best political system in principle and those who also believe it is actually suitable for their country.     

Studying a negative external actor: Russia's management of stability and instability in the ‘Near Abroad’

The literature on transition and democratization was for long dominated by internal explanatory factors such as economic performance, civil society, institutions, etc. Only recently have external actors' democratizing efforts – like those of the US and the EU – been systematically incorporated. But the perspective remains too constrained, since only ‘positive’ external actors are considered, while possible ‘negative’ actors are left aside. This article attempts to rectify some of the imbalance. First, an analytical framework that can be used to analyse both positive and negative external actors is proposed. Then, the framework is put into use through an analysis of the negative effects of Russia's foreign policy in the so-called ‘Near Abroad’. It is argued that two general effects take shape: the ‘policy of managed stability’ and the ‘policy of managed instability’. Both are weakening the democratic perspectives in the post-Soviet area, so I argue that Russia's foreign policy in the ‘Near Abroad’ is a, hitherto, underestimated and badly understood ‘negative’ factor in the literature on transition and democratization in the post-Soviet space.     

金融支持民族地区文化产业发展研究

在文化产业发展进程中,金融的资源配置功能具有极为重要的推动作用。因此,必须系统整合文化产业链,促进民族地区金融与文化创意产业的有效结合,保障文化产业顺利发展。