Non-racialism and the African National Congress: views from the branch

South Africa's ruling party is well known as an organisation that supports the ideal of non-racialism. However, the extent to which the African National Congress (ANC) has defined and instrumentalised the concept of non-racialism is contested. This article looks at the history of non-racialism in the party and more recent interpretations by ANC leadership, before examining how non-racialism is understood, 19 years into democracy, by members of the party. Based on interviews with over 45 ANC branch members, the article describes how members, broadly speaking, have deep-seated concerns with non-racialism in the ANC and in society more generally. There is recognition from ANC branch members that race relations have significantly improved since the ANC moved into government; however, they feel not enough change has taken place and that racial tensions are impeding social cohesion and concomitant growth and progress in the country. There is division among members in regards to the efficacy and impact of the party's racially based policies such as affirmative action as well as the manner in which race potentially influences leadership opportunities within the party. Furthermore, the article shows that there is lack of definition and direction on the part of the ANC in regards to the instrumentalisation of non-racialism, and this deficiency has negative consequences for racial cohesion in the party. The article concludes by discussing how investigations into party branches through the lens of non-racialism, highlights more deep-seated concerns about local-level party democracy and a party fractured at the grassroots.     

The Africa-China relationship: challenges and opportunities

The dramatic growth in the relationship between Africa and China is one of the great stories of the twenty-first century, part of the profound transformations taking place in the global political economy. It has been greeted with excitement, consternation, and confusion. To its cheerleaders, it represents the enduring partnership between Africa and China, spawned by the historical affinities of struggles against Western imperialism and humanistic aspirations for development. To its critics, it is reminiscent of European colonisation a century earlier, in which Africa serves as a cheap source of raw materials, a lucrative export market for Chinese manufactured goods, and an outlet for its surplus capital. Rather than a development partner, some see China as Africa's biggest development competitor, whose explosive growth and insatiable quest for global markets threatens Africa's industrialisation and competitiveness. This paper examines the factors behind the development of Africa-China relations, especially its economic magnitude, and the challenges and opportunities it offers both regions.     

Mestizaje,Córdoba's patria chica: beyond the myth of black disappearance in Argentina

This article examines the ‘disappearance of the black population’ by moving beyond the more traditional explanation of the blanqueamiento (whitening) movement at the end of the nineteenth century. In shifting the temporal framework to the republican period, 1820–1853, a more colorful explanation arises to address how the black population was first lightened which would lead to it being whitened during the second half of the nineteenth century. Ultimately because of mestizaje (racial mixture), blacks and other castas (a person who was not a Spaniard and often of a mixed racial heritage) became pardos. Pardos at first included those of mixed heritage with an elite status among other castas in the colonial period. As Córdoba joined the nation-building process, pardo encompassed all people of color, especially the growing, free black population. In order to explain this process, I traced African descendants who were originally labeled negro and changed to pardo in the 1813, 1822, and 1832 city censuses     

What is Black British Feminism?

Young looks at the place of black feminists in today's academy in Britain, and poses some questions for contemporary self-identified black and white feminists based in that country. There is a new confidence among some black, professional Britons but infiltration into the academy remains problematic for many. Black British feminists and writers are largely absent in so-called postcolonial literary canons developed in the Anglo-American institutions, and by and large black British feminists are only offered fragile support by white feminists. Although African-American feminism offers intellectual sustenance and networks, the situation in the United States is very different, particularly as, there, black feminism has had much more impact and recognition. Discussions of the intersections of race, class and gender are rare in Britain outside black feminism, and there has been much less attention than in the States to black women's writing. Perhaps some kind of 'provisional essentialism' is still needed, for it is difficult for black feminist academics ever to feel the question of race is optional. It can be argued that 'blackness' is used to describe women of very different origins, and can obscure differential histories, but 'blackness' is always a political concept, not a register of national belonging. Black women have transformed British culture, but white feminists have largely failed to understand their problems. Attention to the social history of black women in Britain, and particularly to the creative work of black women writers, filmmakers and other cultural workers, is the place at which a new analysis should begin.     

Beyond the Millennium: Black Women's Writing

Nasta's piece forms part of an oral contribution to the plenary session of the conference in which a variety of speakers discussed the many questions that the conference had raised. It focuses specifically on the location and history of black women's writing in Britain and attempts to address issues that have dominated critical and theoretical discussion for some years. The question as to how far we have moved on in our reading and assessment of these literatures is discussed; also the fact that perhaps debates we now see as being contemporary were also current in the experiences of earlier representations of Britain from a black or Asian perspective. Nasta makes some tentative suggestions in terms of how we might move forward.     

云南少数民族体育产业化发展的阶段性及目标

研究云南少数民族体育产业化发展必须经历的阶段性及其目标 ,是推进少数民族体育产业化的重要依据。根据产业化的一般规律 ,结合云南省的实际 ,可将云南少数民族体育产业化发展分为三个阶段及发展目标 :培育阶段 ;成长阶段 ;成熟阶段。     

民生保障研究:论适足生活水准权保障与实现

适足生活水准权的实现遵从辅助性原则、国家义务、平等与非歧视原则。食物权、住房权与健康权构成了适足生活水准权最主要的具体权利形态,其实现标准主要有:有效、真实与可接受。适足生活水准权的保障与实现不是孤立的,是与其他人权,如财产权、工作权等,特别是公民权利与政治权利,密切相关。公民权利和政治权利的保障是实现适足生活水准权救济的有效方式。适足生活水准权的实现为呼声日高的民生保障研究提供了新视角。     

网络反腐健康发展应注重官民互动机制的建立

新时期网络反腐是否能得以健康发展,虽然受到诸多因素的影响,但是其工作机制不佳是一个重要原因。针对日益"井喷"的网络反腐态势,必须建立健全官民互动机制。建立健全官民互动机制首先应明晰专门反腐机关、网络运营商、新闻媒体和普通网民等各类网络反腐行为主体的内在责任。在明晰各类网络反腐行为主体内在责任的基础上,加强有利于网络反腐互动机制运转的保障性制度建设尤为重要。     

关于中国共产党践行群众史观的再认识

中国共产党的群众观点和群众路线是马克思主义群众史观的重要内容和重要组成部分。中国共产党群众史观的生成有其独特的逻辑起点，并与中国的实际情况相结合，在不同历史时期和阶段得以丰富和发展。在建设中国特色社会主义和进行社会主义现代化的新时期、新形势下，中国共产党践行群众史观应该做到三个方面，即坚持群众主体，直面群众关切，顺应群众期盼。     

人民调解工作方法与效果探究

长期以来,人民调解工作在解决纠纷、维护社会稳定方面发挥了不可替代的作用。特别是21世纪以来,人民调解工作通过创新发展取得了很大的成绩。然而民间纠纷数量巨大、纠纷千差万别,为人民调解工作的有效发挥带来了许多困难,但是人民调解工作的方式与方法并非没有规律可以遵循。在对民间纠纷进行充分分析的基础上,总结与梳理人民调解工作的基本方式方法,以提升人民调解工作的效果。