Norm dynamics and international organisations: South Africa in the African Union and International Criminal Court

Over the past two decades, South Africa has sought to perform several roles on the world stage, such as the economic dynamo of Southern Africa, a diplomatic heavyweight representing the African continent, and a norm leader on the world stage as a so-called ‘middle-power’. Although South Africa's evolution and rise as an important player in global affairs has generated a welcome body of critical scholarly literature, comparatively little analysis has been allocated to understanding how norm dynamics and the country's ever-evolving international identities have enabled it to construct and reconstruct its ‘interests’. Social constructivism is best suited for such an analysis because it can operationalise norms, commitments, identities, and interests, and it provides the epistemological tools to map the increasingly multilateral connections between global, regional, and domestic forums. By employing a rationalist approach to constructivism, this paper remedies the aforementioned gap in the literature by illustrating how South Africa constructs and reconstructs its identities and interests in relation to membership in international organisations (IOs). To that end, the paper examines the evolution of South Africa's participation in the African Union (especially ‘peacekeeping’ contributions) and the International Criminal Court. The paper concludes by assessing the theoretical implications and practical ramifications of the norm dynamics involved in South Africa's commitment to these two IOs.     

NEPAD: Talking from the South,governing from the West

The formation of the New Partnership for African Development (NePAD) in 2001 at the African Union (AU) Summit in Lusaka, Zambia, marked the advent of what is regarded as a novel development strategy crafted by Africans for Africa. Rooted in former South African President thabo Mbeki’s call for an African renaissance, the initiative seeks to trigger the continent’s economic development by encouraging African states to explore the prevailing international economic order or globalisation. this article explores NePAD’s capacity to foster economic development in Africa, assesses the reasons for its establishment, reviews its mandate and examines institutional mechanisms for achieving its goals. the article takes issue with the ‘westernisation’ of the ‘discourse’ of Africa and calls for the revitalisation of NePAD’s strategy for sustainable African development.     

Ideological contestation and disciplinary associations: An autoethnographic analysis

An autoethnographic and self-reflexive theorised analysis of aspects of the South African Communication Association reveals that its internal tensions mimicked wider contradictions both during and after apartheid. The historical role played by the association is critically examined in relation to issues of governance and naming, and with regard to its shaping of the South African scholarly community as it negotiated different paradigms, constituencies and historical-political-economic contexts. The analysis is embedded in a critique of neoliberalism and how this condition has impacted the management procedures of the association.     

A Bloodless Guerrilla Warfare: Why U.S. White Leftists Renounced Violence Against People During the 1970s

Between 1968 and the late 1970s, a significant number of U.S. white leftist groups escalated their protest to armed struggle. After experimenting briefly with violence, they opted for low-intensity armed propaganda that targeted property and avoided hurting people. By contrast, European leftist groups and anti-colonial organizations in the U.S. made extensive use of antipersonnel violence. Why did U.S. leftists eschew attacks against civilians? Scholarship does not explain this case, as it focuses either on the internal dynamics of a single group or on structural variables. Conversely, this article addresses this question through a historical reconstruction and a multilevel analysis. The research identifies the critique and ensuing de-solidarization by the radical milieu as the main factor accounting for the restraint of violence. This article demonstrates that the radical milieu censored and isolated armed groups as soon as they escalated and began to endanger human lives. Therefore, in order to safeguard the solidarity pact with their constituencies, violent fringes moderated their repertoires of action. This article employs primary sources and original interviews with militants to support this claim and to assess the relevance of three concurrent factors: the trauma generated by the “townhouse incident,” the deterrence by law enforcement, and the militants’ socio-economic background.     

论利用影响力受贿罪的犯罪构成要件

利用影响力受贿罪是在我国刑法修正案七中新增加的一个罪名。由于法律对近亲属和关系密切的人这一主体的范围没有明确规定,在法律适用上,容易产生分歧,本文将依据我国相关的法律规定并结合国情对利用影响力受贿罪的犯罪构成要件加以论述,并重点探讨犯罪主体的界定问题。     

先秦儒家思想视野下的生态伦理观及现代价值

先秦儒家天人合一的生态哲学、仁民爱物的生态伦理情怀、取物有时有节的生态伦理实践精神以及制用天命的生态保护原则,在我国古代生态伦理思想中产生了深远而重大的影响。深入挖掘和梳理阐释先秦儒家生态伦理思想,对于进一步提高人们的环境道德自觉意识、构建节约型社会及建设生态文明具有重要的理论意义和实践价值。     

河北民营经济缘何发展不快

全面建设小康社会,就必须大力发展民营经济。从我省的实际工作来看,民营经济多年发展不快,一个主要的原因是政府职能部门工作落实不到位,存在落实难问题。要解决这一问题就必须营造高效精干的政务环境;转变作风,搞好服务;完善行政立法,加大依法行政力度。     

构建和谐社会与亲民的发展思路--解读党的十六届五中全会对边缘群体问题的关注

十六届五中全会将构建社会主义和谐社会确立为“十一五”时期经济社会发展的重要目标。党中央关于构建社会主义和谐社会的思考在不断深化,亲民的发展思路越来越清晰并被付诸实施。和谐社会应该是能有效化解人民内部矛盾和妥善解决社会问题的社会。当前,中国社会边缘群体的问题非常突出,执政党亲民、爱民的价值取向在解决边缘群体问题上可以得到充分地体现。     

老年人笔迹变化的形成原因和特点

世界人口老龄化发展的历史表明,人口老龄化对人类社会生活的各个方面都会产生重大的影响。因此,研究老年人笔迹特点及其变化规律对于老年人笔迹鉴定具有理论指导意义和实用价值。根据老年人笔迹变化的形成原因和对老年人笔迹的实验统计分析,包括横向分析、纵向分析、病理性变化的分析,得出了老年人笔迹的特点。     

宪法：从政治法到治政法

将宪法称为政治法,虽然由来久、流传广,但弊病多、危害深,不宜继续提倡。政治事务虽然由宪法集中规范,但宪法不只是规范政治事务。单纯从宪法与政治的关系上讲,宪法不是政治统治法、被政治控制之法,而是控制政治之法、治理政权之法。人民是政治与治政的主体,宪法是人民治政的依据与准则。将宪法作为治政法,体现了民主与民治的要求,有利于增强宪法的法律属性与价值理性,有利于实现宪治、实现民主、实现自由。