AbstractAmong female youth in Nigeria, especially those living in Abuja, Nigeria’s Federal Capital Territory (FCT), and its environs, skin design or tattooing has become a trendy social ritual in reinventing the notion of the “self” or perceived personhood, according to some subjective relevance. The body, or the skin in particular, has become a site for cultural (re)production and interpretation of meaning and a symbolic resource for embodied social capital and individual agency. This article interrogates the practice of tattooing among these youth: its motivations, semiotic interpretations, and perception. It illuminates how female tattoos have helped to create a conceptual dialogue between the biological (objective) body and the social (subjective) body. The study is conceptually rooted in African feminist thoughts and postmodern perspectives about the (female) body which view it as a text that can be written, rewritten and interpreted in powerful ways through a cultural lens. The results indicate that female tattoos are symbolic investments that represent fashion, self-expression, individuality, social change and sexual agency. Fundamentally, the aesthetic and artistic female body is deployed to reconstruct postmodern female identity while protesting the mainstream stereotyped representation of women especially in a male-dominated conservative society like Nigeria. 相似文献
There have always been debates about the methods that should be used to inform and assess development programmes. Experimental methods have become highly advocated as agencies seek rigorous ways to show programme value. However, the benefits and appropriateness of these methods are frequently overstated. We use the Aga Khan Development Network's Quality of Life studies to show that periodic mixed methods approaches are useful to analyse programme contributions and inform area development. We argue that experimental methods should not be idealised, and that research questions and organisational learning should guide pragmatic methodological choices to inform development intervention in real-life contexts.
Une taille unique ne convient pas toujours : comment choisir des méthodes pour éclairer le développement des régions
Il y a toujours eu des débats sur les méthodes qui devraient être employées pour éclairer et évaluer les programmes de développement. Les méthodes expérimentales sont devenues très préconisées dans le cadre de la quête par les organisations de manières rigoureuses de démontrer la valeur de leurs programmes. Cependant, les avantages et le caractère approprié de ces méthodes sont souvent exagérés. Nous utilisons les études sur la qualité de la vie de l'Aga Khan Development Network pour montrer que les approches périodiques basées sur des méthodes mixtes sont utiles pour analyser les contributions des programmes et éclairer le développement des régions. Nous soutenons que les méthodes expérimentales ne devraient pas être idéalisées, et que les questions des recherches et l'apprentissage organisationnel devraient orienter des choix méthodologiques pragmatiques afin d'éclairer les interventions en matière de développement dans les contextes réels.
La unitalla no le queda a todos: seleccionando métodos que informen el desarrollo de áreas
Siempre han existido debates en torno a los métodos que deben usarse para fundamentar los programas de desarrollo y valorarlos. A medida que las agencias han buscado métodos rigurosos para demostrar el valor de sus programas, ciertos métodos experimentales han sido altamente promovidos. Sin embargo, los beneficios y lo apropiado de tales métodos a menudo se ha exagerado. En el presente artículo, los autores utilizan los estudios sobre la Calidad de Vida realizados por la Red de Desarrollo Aga Khan, con el fin de mostrar que los enfoques de métodos mixtos aplicados periódicamente resultan útiles para analizar los aportes de los programas y para potenciar el área de desarrollo. Asimismo, sostienen que no deben idealizarse los métodos experimentales y que las inquietudes de investigación y el aprendizaje organizacional deberán guiar las opciones metodológicas pragmáticas orientadas a fundamentar las acciones de desarrollo en la vida cotidiana.
Um único tamanho não serve para todos: Escolhendo métodos para informar a área de desenvolvimento
Tem havido frequentemente debates sobre os métodos que deveriam ser utilizados para informar e avaliar programas de desenvolvimento. Métodos experimentais têm sido altamente defendidos quando as agências buscam formas rigorosas de mostrar o valor do programa. Porém, os benefícios e adequação destes métodos são frequentemente superestimados. Utilizamos os estudos sobre Qualidade de Vida da Aga Khan Development Network para mostrar que abordagens de métodos mistos periódicos são úteis para analisar as contribuições dos programas e informar o desenvolvimento de área. Argumentamos que métodos experimentais não devem ser idealizados e que questões de pesquisa e aprendizado organizacional devem orientar escolhas metodológicas pragmáticas para fornecer informações à intervenção de desenvolvimento em contextos da vida real. 相似文献
This article examines the ‘disappearance of the black population’ by moving beyond the more traditional explanation of the blanqueamiento (whitening) movement at the end of the nineteenth century. In shifting the temporal framework to the republican period, 1820–1853, a more colorful explanation arises to address how the black population was first lightened which would lead to it being whitened during the second half of the nineteenth century. Ultimately because of mestizaje (racial mixture), blacks and other castas (a person who was not a Spaniard and often of a mixed racial heritage) became pardos. Pardos at first included those of mixed heritage with an elite status among other castas in the colonial period. As Córdoba joined the nation-building process, pardo encompassed all people of color, especially the growing, free black population. In order to explain this process, I traced African descendants who were originally labeled negro and changed to pardo in the 1813, 1822, and 1832 city censuses 相似文献
The dramatic growth in the relationship between Africa and China is one of the great stories of the twenty-first century, part of the profound transformations taking place in the global political economy. It has been greeted with excitement, consternation, and confusion. To its cheerleaders, it represents the enduring partnership between Africa and China, spawned by the historical affinities of struggles against Western imperialism and humanistic aspirations for development. To its critics, it is reminiscent of European colonisation a century earlier, in which Africa serves as a cheap source of raw materials, a lucrative export market for Chinese manufactured goods, and an outlet for its surplus capital. Rather than a development partner, some see China as Africa's biggest development competitor, whose explosive growth and insatiable quest for global markets threatens Africa's industrialisation and competitiveness. This paper examines the factors behind the development of Africa-China relations, especially its economic magnitude, and the challenges and opportunities it offers both regions. 相似文献
‘Can you name an African American (black) serial killer?’ In the US, the answer is often silence. For those who can remember, it might be Wayne Williams, the so‐called ‘Atlanta child murderer’. More astute individuals could mention the more recent D.C. Snipers who, while not comparable to the traditional media portrayals of serial killers, do qualify as such, based on the FBI's assessment. The existence of African American serial killers is a fact that appears to have escaped the attention of the American public. Previous research has identified 90 black serial killers beginning in 1945, yet their notoriety and celebrity are absent from America's popular cultural landscape. Despite the fact that numerous television shows, news reports and films address serial murder in fictional and non‐fictional portrayals, there remains a dearth of information and portrayals regarding black serial killers. This is an interesting conundrum. The media show little reticence in portraying black males as low‐level criminals, but rarely portray them as serial killers. This article suggests that the unquestioned ethnocentric profile of the serial killer as a white male in the US was created by the FBI, and subsequent media portrayals have reinforced this myth. Consequently, the predominant media portrayals of serial murderers are white male perpetrators. The impact of race‐based assumptions among law enforcement agencies and the public regarding the criminality of any group poses a danger to that whole society. 相似文献
How does the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) distinguish itself from the Democratic caucus? Will distinguishing itself lead to the CBC introducing legislation that is significantly different from the rest of the Democratic caucus? Will CBC members behave just as other Democrats with similar ideological temperaments? This article seeks to place the role of the contemporary CBC within the larger Democratic caucus. By tapping into bill introduction, I conclude that in most ways, the CBC is remarkably similar to the rest of the Democratic caucus, and in only small ways, is there a demonstrable difference. CBC representation ensures constituents an increased likelihood that their congressperson will introduce legislation related to the government but not in Civil Rights or Community Development. Thus, the value to liberal black voters in electing black representatives to Congress is largely in the liberal voting behavior of black representatives, not the value they bring to bill introduction. ¿Qué distingue a la Cámara del Congreso Afroamericana (CCA) de la Cámara Demócrata? ¿Puede la autodistinción hecha por la (CCA) conducir a la introducción de legislaciones que son significativamente diferentes a aquellas de la Cámara Demócrata? ¿Acaso los miembros de la (CCA) se comportan de la misma manera que otros Demócratas con un temperamento ideológico similar? Este artículo busca ubicar el rol de la CCA actual dentro de la Cámara Demócrata. Analizando la introducción de proyectos de ley, concluyo que la CCA es notablemente similar al resto de la Cámara Demócrata, y solo en pequeños detalles hay una diferencia significativa. La representación a través de la CCA garantiza a los constituyentes una mayor probabilidad de que su congresista introducirá legislaciones relacionadas al gobierno, pero no sobre derechos civiles o desarrollo de la comunidad. Por lo tanto, para el electorado negro la importancia de elegir representantes negros para el Congreso es en gran medida en el liberalismo del comportamiento electoral de los representantes afroamericanos y no en su importancia para introducir proyectos de ley. 相似文献
Negotiation requires communication, but not necessarily verbal exchanges. Adjustments can be achieved incrementally by other means. This article will examine how some parties have managed to strike a deal in situations characterized by total distrust and even hostility, asymmetric power relations, major cultural differences, extreme logistical difficulties in reaching the place in which the trade is to be made, and several additional process risks by employing a type of bargaining known as “dumb barter.” This process presents a distinct paradigm with a specific and unique rationale. Sometimes called “silent trade,” it has been observed in many places (especially West Africa) for more than two millennia. It may well be the oldest form of trade negotiation and is still practiced in some parts of the world. An examination of this unlikely but real and effective process can also provide negotiation theorists with some useful insights into the fundamental nature of negotiation. 相似文献
Sex determination is critical for developing the biological profile of unidentified skeletal remains. When more commonly used elements (os coxa, cranium) for sexing are not available, methods utilizing other skeletal elements are needed. This study aims to assess the degree of sexual dimorphism of the lumbar vertebrae and develop discriminant functions for sex determination from them, using a sample of South African blacks from the Raymond A. Dart Collection (47 males, 51 females). Eleven variables at each lumbar level were subjected to univariate and multivariate discriminant function analyses. Univariate equations produced classification rates ranging from 57.7% to 83.5%, with the highest accuracies associated with dimensions of the vertebral body. Multivariate stepwise analysis generated classification rates ranging from 75.9% to 88.7%. These results are comparable to other methods for sexing the skeleton and indicate that measures of the lumbar vertebrae can be used as an effective tool for sex determination. 相似文献
This paper studies how religions, Islam in particular, play a part in the attempted reifications of “neo-ethnic” identities in Kyrgyzstan, a Turkic-speaking republic with a nomadic tradition and a Muslim majority (Hanafî Sunni Islam). In a context characterized by brutal transformations (decline in living standards, widening social inequalities, etc.) and by an increasingly failing central state whose autocratic rule appears ineffective, Islam intervenes as a paradoxical resource that is subjected to contrary uses. The traditional social link between collective identity and Islam is in fact reinvested ideologically within the framework of the new state construction. As a result a key question is what function the re-emergence of religion on the Kyrgyz political scene fulfils, especially considering broad disenchantment with politics. Islam is first re-emphasized as a national element by the authorities and, in the process, it becomes the subject of a drive towards territorialization that aims at erasing any transnational and/or pan-Islamist dimension from this universalist religion. Yet Islam and ethnicity are reinvested again in a new mode, the mode of subjectivization of religious belief, which gives rise, outside state control, to overlapping and often contradicting Islamic identities. 相似文献
States in the same region are bound together by the ways in which the world imagines them as a collective. One distinguishing feature of post-Cold War regionalism is its outward orientation – the importance of the external dimension of regional cooperation. By and large, though, existing analysis of regional institutional development in the Global South does not explicitly conceptualise and theorise collective image consciousness and management. This paper works to address this conceptual gap. Making use of two cases of regional image crisis – post-1980s Africa and post-1997 Southeast Asia – it draws out two primary logics of regional image consciousness: the logic of influence and the logic of resources. A region’s ‘brand’ with respect to (dys)function and international norm (non-)compliance matters to regional actors because it affects the region’s political influence in international arenas and the region’s ability to attract resources from donors and investors. 相似文献