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871.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(3):562-591
Prior studies have illustrated racial differences in perceptions of police legitimacy. African‐Americans’ views, however, appear to be complex, shaped by perceptions of over‐enforcement of crimes committed by African‐American offenders coupled with under‐enforcement of crimes involving African‐American victims. Using data from the 2002 National Incident‐Based Reporting System, we examine whether victim race (alone, and in combination with offender race) affects police case clearance of four types of violent criminal incidents (homicide, aggravated assault, rape, and robbery) as a potential explanation of African‐Americans’ reduced levels of support for the police. Results suggest that the race of the victim, particularly in combination with the race of the offender, is related to police clearance of violent criminal incidents, but that this relationship is not as strong as those between agency, offense type, and situational characteristics of the incident. Implications for research and policy on police—community relations are discussed.  相似文献   
872.
张霞 《政法论丛》2011,(4):79-85
环境犯罪与单位之间具有紧密的联系,单位环境犯罪案件造成的危害日益严重,追究单位环境犯罪问题引起了世界各国的高度重视,韩国率先成为发展经济与环保先进国家之一,这其中的原因是多方面的,但完善的环境刑事立法、特别是有关"环境犯罪控制特别措施法案"显然起到了积极的作用。"环控法案"的突出特点是引入法人刑事责任的双罚制,通过对法人加重刑罚处罚来威慑环境犯罪。  相似文献   
873.
中央苏区时期的马克思主义大众化,是把反帝反封建的革命理论和革命纲领用苏区群众所喜闻乐见的、通俗易懂的语言文风宣传普及,使之成为苏区革命群众生机勃发的创造性的革命斗争实践。这形成了中国作风和中国气派的马克思主义大众化的文化宣传,唤醒了广大苏区群众的革命觉悟,对组织发动苏区群众、武装苏区群众、开展土地革命、反"围剿"斗争和苏区建设发挥了重要作用,对今天推进马克思主义大众化仍有借鉴意义。  相似文献   
874.
毛泽东等老一辈革命家在领导中央红军开辟赣南、闽西中央苏区时期,成功地解决了指导中国革命的四个重大问题即:走什么路,建什么党,建什么军,遵循什么样的思想路线?从而初步构建了毛泽东思想科学体系的基本内涵和框架。其主要内涵为:一是开辟了中国革命新路——提出农村包围城市的革命道路理论;二是制定了思想建党、政治建军的基本纲领及其各项原则;三是确立了红军反"围剿"作战的积极防御战略方针;四是提出了"中国革命斗争的胜利要靠中国同志了解中国情况"的独立自主、实事求是思想路线。  相似文献   
875.
中央苏区时期,南京国民政府在对苏区进行军事"围剿"的同时,实行严密的经济封锁。随着其对地方社会控制的加强和封锁政策的调整,经济封锁带来的后果日益严峻,给苏区造成了极大的困难。中国共产党采取各种措施积极应对经济封锁,尽管取得了一些成效,但最终未能真正解决苏区的经济困境,这也是红军长征的重要原因之一。  相似文献   
876.
正IN June 2014 the President of the Republic of Congo Denis Sassou Nguesso visited China at the invitation of President Xi Jinping.During his stay he met with some teachers and students from the China-Congo Friendship School in Chindu County,Yushu Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture,Qinghai Province.The school was built with fi nancial aid from the Republic of Congo following the earthquake of 2010.During a visit to the central African nation in March 2013,President Xi hailed the gesture as a sign of true friendship between the Republic of Congo and China and cited letters written by the school’s students thanking President Sassou Nguesso.One student wrote,"Birds enjoy greater freedom under the open sky,  相似文献   
877.
This article analyses the potential motivations behind the opposition of a number of Central and Eastern European States (CESs) to the withdrawal of US deployed nonstrategic nuclear weapons (NSNWs) from Europe. It shows why CES governments obtain no military benefits from the deployed NSNW; it argues CES are unlikely to truly see them as a promising bargaining chip; it suggests CES can derive only limited prestige from US-deployed weapons and the contrasting norm of ‘nuclear disarmament’ likely offers a more attractive option; and it assesses potential bureaucratic interests as improbable to play a decisive role. In contrast, the article proposes a more nuanced elaboration of the transatlantic ‘linkage’ argument. It maintains CES have significant motives to keep the United States involved in Europe, shows how they are likely to mistrust US commitment pledges, and argues they are prone to use the NSNW debate as a convenient instrument (within a limited toolbox) towards locking in the US foothold on the continent.  相似文献   
878.
This article deals with family ideology and family ritual processes in the Central part of the Balkans, in the mountainous part of the Bulgarian–Serbian border areas, during the second half of the nineteenth and the early twentieth century. Celebration rituals, dedicated to the patron saints of family-kin households (Serbian slava and Bulgarian sluzhba), have been described as an “ideology of patriarchalism” in ethnological and historical literature, based on the cult of predecessors. Ethnographical research in this region has shown the prominent social functions of the ritual cycle that built cohesion in the family-kin community, rather than archaism. Based on historical and ethnological data, and on ethnographic fieldwork in Western Bulgaria and Eastern Serbia, this contribution shows how the Orthodox cycle of celebrations and rituals was practiced in a family-kin environment during the first half of the twentieth century. The analysis focuses on how family rituals built family ideology, which kept its integrative functions even during the decades of socialism.  相似文献   
879.
Abstract

The more populism enters public debates, the more it needs close scrutiny. Central and Eastern Europe offers a useful context for exploring the diversity of parties identified as populist. Anti-establishment rhetoric provides a suitable conceptual starting point because of its pervasive role in the region’s political discourse. Using a new expert survey, this article details the relationship between anti-establishment salience and political positions, showing that anti-establishment parties occupy a full range across both economic and cultural dimensions and many occupy more centrist positions. Narrowing the focus to content analysis of anti-establishment parties’ thin ideology in the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia, it is concurrently found that for many actors (including those usually labelled as populist) anti-establishment rhetoric is indeed predominant, yet not always extensively combined with other elements of populism: people-centrism and invocation of general will. The findings are important for understanding multiple varieties of anti-establishment politics also beyond the region.  相似文献   
880.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(2):162-183
ABSTRACT

In the last several years, radical-right rhetoric has gained further ground in the political discourse of Slovakia and Hungary. This increasingly overt spiral of tension has been fuelled not only by radical-right actors, such as the Slovenská národná strana (SNS, Slovak National Party) and Jobbik (Movement for a Better Hungary), but also by mainstream parties such as SMER in Slovakia and Fidesz in Hungary. The legitimizing radical-right frames have mostly been founded on politicized historical narratives related to the intertwined processes of nation- and state-building in both countries. Pytlas seeks to describe and analyse this phenomenon, focusing on historical legacies, their mythologized reinterpretations as well as their application to contemporary politics. The debates on the Slovak language law of 2009 and the Hungarian citizenship law of 2010 shall be used as empirical examples of this ‘mythic overlaying’ mechanism.  相似文献   
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