Voting Advice Applications and the Estimation of Party Positions – A Reliable Tool?

Data contained in Voting Advice Applications (VAA s) is not only a prerequisite for the vote recommendations they provide but can also be used for estimating party positions in low‐dimensional spaces. Given that VAA s can be designed differently in terms of their number of items and their measurement level, how much can one trust the party positions obtained from this source? We tackle this question by exploiting relevant variation in a real‐world setting: three VAA s offered at the 2017 Lower Saxony election. Despite substantial design differences, the policy spaces extracted through an inductive scaling approach are highly convergent. Simulated random item removal from the pooled dataset of all three VAA s furthermore suggests that about 40 items yield satisfactory reliability of the party positions. Finally, we find that a priori assigning VAA ‐items to ideological dimensions is potentially problematic as the interpretation of resulting party spaces may differ from the ones derived inductively.     

马克思劳动权利思想的内涵及其启示——基于《资本论》的文本分析

作为马克思主义政治哲学的核心范畴,权利在《资本论》中被核心表征为了劳动权利。马克思通过对劳动所有权的权能分离、劳动权利与资本权力的冲突展开对劳动权利的阐释,完成了对劳动权利的核心内涵的事实判断。也正是基于这一指认,马克思在《资本论》中以劳动权利的未来图景为启示,搭建了以保障劳动权利的劳工权益为手段,以劳动权利的价值评价为目的的框架,以期使劳动权利获得自由的价值从而实现人的自由全面发展。     

中国古代官民知法守法的法律宣传

中国古代很早便推行社会性的普及法律知识的宣传教育活动,自先秦至明清,法律宣传形式多样,覆盖面广,代有特色,体现了古圣先贤以法治世、以法育民的智慧。有些经验对于当前的普法教育也有值得借鉴的历史意义,如立法贵在简明,便于官吏习法执法、百姓知法守法;首重官吏,次及百姓;法律宣传逐渐制度化、法律化、常态化。     

2019年中国刑法实施报告

2019年是新中国成立70周年的伟大日子。70年来,在中国的刑事法治建设取得长足发展的同时,中国刑法学在始终恪守重视基础理论的总结、创新与完善的基础上,亦更加主动地回应社会现实关切的热点、疑点、难点问题,彰显出鲜明的时代特色,凸显出刑法积极参与社会治理的重要功能,弘扬了新时代我国刑法学鲜明的问题意识与自主意识。相较以往,2019年度刑事犯罪在涉众型、风险型、科技型等领域较为突出,呈现出涉案金额巨大、危害面广、手法多样且不断翻新等特点。2019年度刑法实施报告主要将以下七个板块作为研究重点:新中国成立七十年刑事法治和刑法理论的变迁与反思、正当防卫制度的适用与完善、"扫黑除恶"专项斗争、人工智能时代刑法挑战的前瞻应对、互联网金融领域腐败犯罪治理防范问题、认罪认罚从宽制度实体适用问题及民刑交叉、行刑衔接等问题。     

Young people with cognitive disabilities and overrepresentation in the criminal justice system: service provider perspectives on policing

Young people with cognitive disabilities (YPWCD) are overrepresented as offenders in the criminal justice system. However, most existing research on this topic examines overrepresentation in courts and corrections rather than at the police gatekeeping stage of the criminal justice process. Furthermore, while the views of other groups have been documented, the perspectives of service providers – who often bear witness to YPWCD’s interactions with police – have yet to be examined. This research addresses this gap by analysing qualitative interviews with service providers from Queensland, Australia, using the three most common theoretical explanations for the overrepresentation of PWCD (the susceptibility, differential treatment and psychosocial disadvantage theses) as an analytic framework. A number of implications emerged from the study. There is a need to take a critical and intersectional lens to YPWCD’s experiences, as well as to equip police to work with YPWCD to de-escalate interactions with this group.     

试析中国的政治稳定问题

政治稳定与否,关系着国计民生,关系着一个国家在国际上的地位,更关系着本国国民的幸福生活和前途。我国的政治稳定将依法治国作为总方略,将以人为本与发展作为其核心理念和关键点。为了寻求保持我国政治稳定的路径,必须要从党的建设、政府职能的优化和完善以及文化建设的角度进行把握。     

The German Party System: Eternal Crisis?

Ever since the early years of the Federal Republic, the German debate about political parties and the party system has been almost obsessed with the theme of crisis. Contrary to what seems to be the dominant view from within Germany, this article argues that, by and large, the German party system has performed well. Gordon Smith's centrality thesis can explain why this has been the case. However, there are indications that the future may not be so benign.     

互联网涉毒犯罪研究

随着国际毒品形势的变化,毒品犯罪分子开始利用互联网这个平台进行毒品交易。2001年,联合国麻醉品管理局向全球发出警告:"毒品正通过互联网销售,私人聊天室正被毒品商利用,人们在互联网上正面临着毒品的威胁。"2011年10月,公安机关开展统一行动,成功侦破了我国首例利用互联网视频交友平台进行涉毒违法犯罪活动的"8.31特大网络吸贩毒案",敲响了我国互联网涉毒犯罪监管的警钟。     

调解兴衰与当代中国法院政治功能的变迁——以《最高人民法院工作报告》(1981年-2010年)为对象

上世纪80年代以来,中国调解制度经历了"着重调解———自愿调解———调解优先"的过程。在着重调解阶段,法院具有动员人们参与有中国特色社会主义建设和法律现代化的进程,消解经济发展带来的民众脱离政治依附性的离心力的政治功能;在自愿调解阶段,法院具有进一步强化中国特色社会主义建设和法律现代化这一基本方向的政治功能;在调解优先阶段,法院具有重新恢复民众对于社会现代化和法律现代化信心的政治动员功能。     

The Neglected Nation: The CSU and the Territorial Cleavage in Bavarian Party Politics

This article examines the continuing salience of the territorial cleavage in Bavarian party politics. It does so through an exploration of the Christian Social Union's (CSU) mobilisation of Bavarian identity as part of its political project, which has forced other parties in Bavaria to strengthen their territorial goals and identities. Parties have articulated different constructions of ‘Bavaria’ to rival the CSU's dominant nation-building project. However, they have been unable to portray themselves as ‘standing up for Bavarian interests’ due to the constraints of the state-wide parties to which they belong. As an exclusively Bavarian party, the CSU has no such constraints. Indeed, the CSU's core aim of strengthening Bavaria's position vis-à-vis the German federation may be viewed as akin to that of the Convergència i Unió in Catalonia, Spirit in Flanders or Plaid Cymru in Wales. Like these parties, the case of the CSU in Bavaria demonstrates that sub-state territorial mobilisation has as much to do with negotiating autonomy within the state as seceding from it. To that end, the CSU provides a valuable case of how a regionalist party operating within a multi-level political system has sought to influence the regional, state and European levels to obtain a comparative territorial advantage.