他们为什么呼吁人道主义——19世纪至20世纪初俄罗斯人道主义思潮简析

19世纪至20世纪初,人道主义成为俄国精英文化的主旋律,其深刻的历史与文化原因是:东正教教义对俄罗斯文化精英们的长期心灵洗刷;俄罗斯广袤大地上长期存在的村社文化对他们的精神影响;同时,对西方工业文明的体验与批判也深化了他们的俄罗斯人道主义思想。     

东汉知识分子重名原因述补

东汉士人重名,其原因可归结为以下几点:汉朝以孝治天下,士人立身扬名,为孝之大者;儒生太多太贫,求仕太难,儒生为求得荐举征辟,不得不想方设法提高自己的名声;社会舆论对名声的普遍重视;士人名声不取决于官府而取决于舆论;士人对垂名青史的追求与对历史公正性的信任.     

东汉明帝民族政策论析

东汉明帝继承和发展汉光武帝的民族政策,致力于解决周边民族问题:努力平定西羌的叛乱、制定防范措施;针对北匈奴不断的骚扰,由政治和解、积极防御转向战略进攻;重新开通西域;加强与西南少数民族政治关系。汉明帝的民族政策不仅有利于边境的稳定与国家的安全,而且推动了边境地区经济的发展与社会进步,极大地维护和光大了“光武中兴”的成果。当然,其民族政策中也有若干失误,带来了一定的消极影响。     

中东民族主义与政治发展:历史、现实及前景

中东政治发展始终伴随着民族主义的嬗变。在中东早期宪政改革与民族国家体系的建构过程中,民族主义扮演着重要的角色。民族主义与当代中东政治发展存在着结构性的矛盾。从全球化与现代化的角度看,当代中东民族主义并没有衰落,而只是处于转型阶段。当代中东政治发展只能超越历史上的民族主义,而不能超越民族主义的历史。其面临的困境不能简单的归结为中东民族主义的制约,更不能以超越民族主义作为解决的途径。民族主义与中东政治发展的关系更多的体现为相互扬弃,两者统一于中东国家自身政治发展道路的探索。     

Eliminating Poverty? ‘Financial Inclusion’, Access to Land,and Gender Equality in International Development

The UK White Paper on International Development published in 2009 explicitly links access to financial services with poverty reduction. In doing so, it echoes the policies the World Bank set out in its 2008 Policy Research Report on Finance. This paper offers a detailed analysis of these development policies and connects the current plans for the expansion of financial sectors in the developing world with policies that promote the acquisition of formal land title. The paper argues that as asset‐backed lending expands, commercial banks will come to play an increasingly important role in third world economies. In light of this, it reviews important first‐hand accounts of the difficulties of drafting legislation to protect women's access to land in the face of opposition from commercial lenders, using Tanzania and Uganda as illustrative examples. The paper assesses the implications of expanding access to credit for gender equality and concludes that it is difficult to reconcile the promotion of financial inclusion with the aim of international development to end poverty.     

Extreme-right Parties in Eastern Europe

Abstract

From the moment the Berlin Wall came down scholars and politicians around the world expressed concern about an upsurge of extreme-right politics in Eastern Europe. Dramatic events like the Yugoslav conflict and even the so-called ‘velvet split’ of Czechoslovakia only strengthened this fear. Despite these many general warnings about the rise of extreme right parties (ERPs) in Eastern Europe very little empirical work has appeared on the subject. Mudde's article provides an analytical tool which will help to further understanding of the extreme right in the region. It presents and applies a fairly straightforward typology of ERPs in Eastern Europe based on the (ideological) character of the parties. The pre-Communist ERP locates the origin of its ideological identity in political parties and ideas of the pre-Communist period, generally harking back to national-conservative, monarchist, or indigenous or foreign fascist ideals. The character of the party might be expressed in the open espousal of pre-Communist ideas or by using the associated ‘folklore’, while in some cases there might even be continuity in personnel or organizations (often through the émigré community). With the notable exceptions of Croatia and Slovakia, pre-Communist ERPs have remained marginal in post-Communist political life. The Communist ERP looks for ideological inspiration in the Communist period and includes nationalist splits of the (former) Communist parties as well as new parties that combine a nationalist ideology with a nostalgia for Communist rule. They are mainly successful in countries where the Communist regime had a strong nationalist undercurrent and the party is still in the hands of hardliners (e.g. Romania and Russia). Post-Communist ERPs, finally, locate the source of their identities in the post-Communist period: these organizations are new and their focus is on current political issues. They harbour no feelings of nostalgia, either for the pre-Communist or the Communist period. Post-Communist ERPS have developed in most East European countries but, although some have achieved remarkable electoral successes, in general they have been only moderately successful (similar to ERPs in Western Europe).     

东亚法治社会论纲

东亚国家形成法治社会是历史的必然 ,是市场经济和民主政治的共同要求。东亚国家形成法治社会的内在动力是商品经济的发展 ,其内在精神要件则是不同于新教伦理的其他理性文化。由于形成法治社会内在要素的条件和时间不同 ,东亚国家走上法治社会也就具有指导思想、进程、政府地位和民族性等方面的多元特色。     

Perils of development funding? The tale of EU Funds and grand corruption in Central and Eastern Europe

Given the unprecedented scale of intergovernmental development funding and the importance of institutional quality for human well‐being, it is imperative to precisely understand the impact of development funds on corruption. In Europe, European Union (EU) Funds provide a boost to public spending in recipient member states while introducing additional corruption controls. We investigate whether EU Funds increase high‐level corruption in the Czech Republic and Hungary in 2009–2012. We analyze newly collected data from over 100,000 public procurement contracts to develop objective corruption risk indicators and link them to agency level data in the public sector. Propensity score matching estimations suggest that EU funds increase corruption risk by up to 34 percent. The negative effects are largely attributable to overly formalistic compliance and EU Funds overriding domestic accountability mechanisms in public organizations entirely dependent on external funds. The policy implications are profound: governments should reduce barriers to market entry by lowering red tape and prevent excessive concentration of funds.     

The Power of Policy Regimes: Explaining Shale Gas Policy Divergence in Bulgaria and Poland

Shale gas policies vary significantly across Europe, notably in Russia‐dependent Central Eastern Europe. Most strikingly, Bulgaria banned shale gas, whereas Poland remains firmly committed to fostering it despite its drawbacks. This article uses a policy regime approach to explain the shale gas puzzle. Drawing on a large set of interviews, the piece investigates regime strength as the causal factor that explains the adoption of specific shale gas laws (Poland) or a fracking ban (Bulgaria). It finds that the Polish shale gas policy regime was strong, based on a powerful political narrative and characterized by an institutional process ensuring the buy‐in of actors from relevant policy levels and subsystems. In Bulgaria the policy regime was weak, failed to co–opt key stakeholders, and was institutionally ill‐designed. The findings show how different degrees of policy regime strength translate into diverging policy trajectories in two countries that otherwise operate in similar environments.     

From Planning to Market: A Framework for Cuba

The measures introduced by Raúl Castro since 2008 and the most recent US–Cuba policy change indicate that Cuba is shifting from a planned and highly centralised state socialist economic model toward one in which economic actors and markets become main drivers of the economy. The examples of Asian and Central and Eastern European socialist countries suggest four distinguished pathways for such transition. The question is which one may provide a feasible model for Cuba. Based on the country's economic and population structure, this study places the Cuban case within the framework of socialist economic transitions and explores some policy implications.