China–ASEAN economic relations after establishment of free trade area*

This paper aims to contribute to an understanding about the major changes in China–ASEAN economic relations after establishment of the China–ASEAN Free Trade Area (CAFTA) in 2010. First, China's merchandize trade balance with ASEAN has shifted from deficit to surplus since 2012. This reflects China's improving comparative advantage in manufacturing production vis-à-vis ASEAN as a whole. Second, with China's wage hike, ASEAN investors can no longer take advantage of China's cheap labor force. Concurrently, China's investment in ASEAN has been increasing and become more diversified, ranging from energy to manufacturing and services. Singapore has remained the most important investment destination for Chinese investors and the largest foreign investor in China among ASEAN countries. Third, China has comparative advantages in providing construction, telecommunications, computer and information services and other business services to ASEAN. On the other hand, ASEAN, led by Singapore, has opportunities in the financial services and tourism markets in China. Finally, the development of economic regionalism, notably the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and Trans-Pacific Partnership, will remain critical for the CAFTA's relevance in regional economic integration, as well as China–ASEAN relations in the future.     

“十四五”时期中国区域发展格局变化趋势及政策展望

中国区域发展的典型事实表明改革开放以来中国经济空间格局的均衡性逐步提升,区域发展差距日益缩小,区域协调发展机制更加完善,同时大规模劳动力流动也重塑了区域比较优势,城市群和区域性大城市成为主要经济空间载体,但当前也存在区域发展分化引起的人口集聚空间失衡、部分省份“去工业化”和经济结构“服务业化”的产业空间不匹配问题,还面临日益频繁的外部冲击挑战。为促进高质量区域协调发展,“十四五”时期中国应立足要素集聚的客观规律,统筹好区域发展和人的发展,强化城市功能分工,引导劳动力就业空间均衡化,推进城市群和都市圈建设,培育新的区域增长空间,不断完善国内生产网络和壮大国内消费市场,促进国内国际市场双循环,增强区域发展韧性和内生动力。     

充分发挥宗教教义的积极要素为促进经济社会发展服务

宗教作为一种世界性的思潮和现象延续于人类社会,必然有其生存的合理性。我们透过一些现象可以看到,宗教教义中蕴藏着丰富的积极要素。它倡导信众注重道德修养,主张家庭成员间要互敬互爱、和睦相处,注重社会关系的和睦,强调人们要珍惜自然。我们应把这些积极要素发掘出来,并应用于社会,相信它能为促进经济社会的发展提供积极的精神力量。     

China in Africa: A relationship of (Un)equals in the developing world

The unveiling of the new Southern African Customs Union (SACU) Agreement in 2002 inaugurated new democratic institutional structures for SACU. The revised SACU Agreement provides for accession by new members. Although not new, the idea of expanding SACU has gained currency in recent years. It has been suggested that enlarging SACU could overcome the ‘spaghetti bowl’ problem of overlapping regional membership of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries. In spite of its allure, however, enlarging SACU membership is likely to run into difficulties as negotiations about the common revenue pool and the common external tariff become bogged down by attempts to accommodate the needs and interests of countries at different levels of development. It would also spark debate about how the revenue-sharing formula should be restructured and extended to new members. Moreover, whether SACU can act as a driver of regional integration will depend on the extent to which South Africa, the regional power, can translate its hegemonic position into a leadership role.     

South Africa’s Inclusion in BRICS: Challenges and Prospects for Development in Africa

Abstract

The forming of alliances on the international scene has reflected a provisional arrangement in the world economy. Amongst such alliances was the formation of BRICS by the five world economies—Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa into what is commonly known as BRICS. BRICS is considered a joint initiative, aimed at shifting conventional norms in international economic and political cooperation to create a new trans-continental platform for these actors. Each member country in BRICS has, in one way or another, reflected growth either through its economy foreign policy, and developmental pursuit. However, South Africa is portrayed by some researchers as lagging behind, when compared to the other member countries. Hence, this study sought to analyse the potential mediumand long-term implications of South Africa's inclusion in BRICS. The study also aimed to underscore the benefits and risks associated with South Africa's membership in the alliance in the area of development; specifically poverty reduction, foreign policy, trade, and global partnership. The researchers collected secondary data to analytically critique the inclusion of South Africa in the BRICS alliance, its benefits, and shortcomings for development in South Africa, and in Africa as a whole. We argue that as a global player under BRICS, South Africa has opened a new vista of opportunities, including transnational gateways to Brazil, Russia, India, and China, with the attendant inflow of infrastructural and developmental investments, enriching educational exchanges and technology transfers. The article concludes by stressing the need for South Africa and other African countries to formulate policies that will drive meaningful development in their respective countries. The authors recommend that African leaders should come up with innate policies that are Africa-centred, that would incite development internally.     

Rethinking Colonialism and the Origins of the Developmental State in East Asia

Previous studies on economic development in East Asia focus exclusively on the recent period (since the 1960s) and posit that East Asian “miracles” were largely a result of the state's exceptional capacity to implement consistent industrial policy. Yet, they neglect the question of the origins of the developmental state. To confront this neglect, this article makes a macro-historical comparison between Northeast and Southeast Asia, highlighting colonialism, the role of income inequality, and subsequent socio-economic transformations. It is argued that a crucial historical phase for new economic trajectory was the decolonisation period when East Asian countries had an opportunity to break away from negative colonial legacies. This article sheds new light on the ways in which colonialism shapes long-term economic development in East Asia.     

‘I wanted a Communist philosophy,but I wanted us to have a chance to organize our people’: the diasporic radicalism of Queen Mother Audley Moore and the origins of black power

Abstract

This article charts the extraordinary life and legacy of ‘Queen Mother’ Audley Moore (1898–1997). She was one of the most revered figures in twentieth-century black nationalism, Pan-Africanism, and Communism. A life-long Garveyite and a leading personality in the World War II-era Harlem Communist Party, she understood black women across the diaspora as the vanguard in struggles for self-determination. She broke from the Communist Party in 1950, reinventing herself into an ardent black nationalist. Creatively formulating an idiosyncratic politics combining Garveyism, Marxism, Third Worldism, and feminism, she was central in forging 1960s-era Black Power and the modern reparations movement. Recovering her life reveals the underappreciated importance of black women in building radical, diasporic movements, the legacy of Garveyism and Communism in framing Black Power, and the contours in twentieth-century black radicalism, black internationalism, and black women's activism.     

The Punitive Repertoire of Children's Homes and Reformatories

Although equality before the law is one of the fundamental principles of modern democracy, current Western research has shown that discrimination exists within the justice system when enforcing traditional crimes. However, in Scandinavian research on economic crime, the question of equal treatment has been neglected. Based on Swedish data of suspected offenders during 2003, we examined whether different social groups received differential treatment in investigations of traditional and economic crimes. Further, we compared the Regular Police with the Economic Crimes Bureau (ECB) to examine whether the professional specialization of street-level bureaucrats influence the occurrence of differential treatment. We also examined the efficiency of the authorities and more specifically to what extent they issue a waiver of prosecution, a prosecutor's fine, or a court indictment. Besides supporting earlier research on traditional crime, our results show that differential treatment also exists in relation to economic crime, but the patterns of differential treatment are not identical with the ones for traditional crimes. We also found that the two agencies, the ECB and the Regular Police, treat diverse social groups differently. Although the ECB is somewhat more efficient, professional specialization does not appear to be an important factor concerning the issue of differential treatment. It exists regardless of investigating authority. Further action is being taken more often in relation to men and those with a lower level of education at both agencies. However, in some cases the suspect's background does have a different effect on the work of the two agencies, with the ECB less often taking further action against ‘Swedes’ and those on ‘high incomes’, while the Regular Police less often take further action against ‘immigrants’ and those on ‘low and middle incomes’.