宁夏融入丝绸之路经济带建设的战略选择——兼谈中阿共建丝绸之路经济带

＂丝绸之路经济带＂的战略构想,为宁夏建设成为丝绸之路经济带上的战略支点创造了历史机遇。宁夏要借助中阿共建丝绸之路经济带的契机,发挥中阿博览会的平台效应,坚持务实合作和人文交流,加快自身发展,增强宁夏对外开放的魅力和吸引力。     

石河子春季常见尸食性昆虫种类及丝光绿蝇发育观察

目的观察新疆石河子市区尸食性昆虫的种类及温度对优势种丝光绿蝇生长发育的影响。方法 2007年和2008年的4月15日至6月15日在石河子市（E44.18°、N86.00°）3个不同地点诱集尸食性昆虫,并鉴定分类。将优势种丝光绿蝇在不同温度下饲养,观察其体长、体重、羽化率、雌雄比、历期等生长发育特点。结果石河子地区春季3个不同地点共诱集到尸食性昆虫6目14科16种,其中以膜翅目、双翅目和鞘翅目为主;丝光绿蝇幼虫体长、体重随着温度升高而增长、增加,化蛹时又有所缩短、减轻;不同的温度对幼虫的羽化率和雌雄比影响不明显。结论本文所得数据可为新疆石河子地区的法医昆虫学及相关研究和实践提供一定参考。     

区域成本差异对贵州经济发展的影响--少数民族地区经济发展的个案分析

本文是基于一个宏观的研究视角,从国民经济核算的角度,利用投入产出的方法,定量研究贵州作为一个少数民族省域其经济发展成本与全国、东中西三大经济带、七大经济区域之间的差异.依据贵州的省情,采用定性和定量相结合的分析方法,深入探讨影响贵州发展成本的主要因素,以及区域成本差异对贵州经济发展的影响.     

新冠肺炎疫情对宏观经济的影响分析及政策建议

该文通过对比分析发现,由于疫情影响地域范围、停复工时间和经济结构等因素存在差异,新冠肺炎疫情对经济的短期影响会大于2003年非典疫情;而且,由于部分民企和居民等微观主体的抗风险能力更弱,存在传导形成次生风险的可能。因此,必须坚持疫情防控和经济托底相结合,发挥逆周期政策作用,切实降低此次疫情的负面经济影响。     

Growing Up in Times of War: Unaccompanied Refugee Minors’ Assumptions About the World and Themselves

Abstract

The idea that assumptions about the world and the self can be damaged through traumatic experiences has proven to be useful in understanding posttraumatic reactions. This study investigated the World Assumptions of middle-eastern unaccompanied refugee minors (URMs) to contribute to a culturally sensitive theoretical perspective. Semistructured interviews were conducted and analyzed using inductive category development. All assumed aspects of World Assumptions—benevolence, meaningfulness, and self-worth—were found in the participants’ statements. Regarding meaningfulness, we detected a new subcategory, the principle of a metaphysical plan, which has implications for the mechanism by which religiosity protects World Assumptions in war-torn regions.     

Chinese Eastern Industrial Zone in Ethiopia: unpacking the enclave

Abstract

This paper examines China’s engagement with Africa through economic zones (EZs). It moves beyond the conceptualisation of EZs as undifferentiated enclaves of foreign investment to a dynamic perspective on the locally negotiated process of zone development. Such a perspective entails critical unpacking of the specific zone regime to understand the diverse and evolving relationships among different state and non-state actors. Drawing upon empirical research on the Eastern Industrial Zone (EIZ) in Ethiopia, we explore the complex process of learning and adaptation by government, developers, investors, and workers throughout the development of a zone regime, with specific attention to capital–labour and expatriate–local relations. We find that despite the EIZ being a state-level cooperation project, private Chinese developers work diligently with the Ethiopian government to improve the institutional support for EZs. Chinese investors also collectively generate a management regime to enhance their overseas operational capacity and experiment with various tactics to transform local recruits into an industrial workforce. Local workers, with limited protection by official labour unions, turn to individual- and group-based agency to improve their working conditions. Despite the momentum created by multiple stakeholders, there are concerns regarding the long-term contributions of EZs to engender sustained industrial transformation and skills development.     

Alternatives to EU Membership and the Rational Imagination

The domestic scenario following a Brexit vote is likely to be characterised by high stakes, uncertainty and fissile political debate. No off‐the‐peg arrangement touted for Brexit—be it Norwegian, Swiss, Turkish or Canadian—was designed to engage with such a context. Nor does it seem wise to rush to medium‐term commitments which might pre‐empt democratic politics and wise choices. Far more important will be the legitimacy of any institutional settlement governing this arrangement, which will provide the context for its revision and development and the space for democratic reflection over how these policies are to be governed. It will be suggested that here there is much insight to be gained from looking at regional arrangements beyond the EU.     

Forecasting the 2015 British election through party popularity functions

To forecast the May 7, 2015 British General Election, we develop party popularity models based on Continuous Monitoring Survey (CMS) data from April 2004 to February 2015. Our models predict party vote shares three months prior to the election, using previous support levels, national economic evaluations, macro-partisanship and political measures. Our Seemingly Unrelated Regression (SUR) methodology allows us to predict support for the Tories, Labour, Liberal Democrats and “other” parties, separately, yet simultaneously, by constraining total support for all parties to 100%. Our model, estimated with data from February 2015, predicts that Labour will win the highest vote share in Great Britain, but that no party will win a majority of seats in parliament.     

Economic globalisation,the perceived room to manoeuvre of national governments,and electoral participation: Evidence from the 2001 British General Election

Recent macro-level research argues that economic globalisation negatively affects electoral turnout by constraining the leeway of national governments and thereby rendering elections less meaningful to voters. This article analyses the link between perceptions of the national government's room to manoeuvre and turnout on the individual level. Drawing on the 2001 British General Election, it is shown that citizens who believe that economic globalisation leaves the national government with less influence on the economy are less likely to report to have voted. Further findings also support the proposed theoretical model according to which room to manoeuvre perceptions affect turnout via views on the importance of elections and matter specifically for citizens that tend towards the left side of the left-right scale.     

Does the economy really matter for satisfaction with democracy? Longitudinal and cross-country evidence from the European Union

Research focusing on the relationship between the economy and satisfaction with democracy often presents mixed results. This article argues that this uncertainty is mainly due to model specification, number of surveys and measurement. After discussing why the role of the economy should not be overlooked, by using an empirical strategy that applies Bayesian cross-classified mixed models to 572 national surveys in 28 European countries from 1973 to 2013 drawn from the Eurobarometer, it is shown that objective macro-economic indicators and a subjective indicator seem to substantially affect citizens’ satisfaction with democracy in Europe. The findings are robust when controlling for various institutional and political variables and using alternative model specifications.