对加强非公有制组织中党团和工会组织建设的思考

加强非公有制企业的党团及工会组织建设 ,是做好非公有制经济人士思想政治工作的重要一环。在非公有制经济发达的地区建立党的工作委员会已成为必须。统战部门要切实做好这方面的工作 ,引导非公有制经济企业健康发展。     

大学英语教学中的文化导入

本文对语言与文化关系 ,在大学英语教学中进行文化导入的必要性 ,教材与文化内容相结合以及适用原则和方法进行了探讨 ,并针对在具体教学中出现的一些词语 ,在文化内涵方面进行了英汉差异对比研究 ,其目的是将文化的导入融入语言教学当中 ,以培养学生的社会文化能力 ,推动大学英语教学的改革     

教师的心理情感因素与英语教学

情感教育是素质教育的重要内容和有力手段 ,情感因素对教学的重要影响已日益为人所共识 ,而情感因素在外语教学中的作用尤为突出。在英语课堂上 ,教师情感起主导作用 ,直接影响着学生的情感。探讨英语教学中教师的心理情感因素 ,有利于全面提高英语教师的素质 ,提高英语教学质量 ,并有助于改变教育“重智轻情”的状况。     

“众创时代”共青团院校创业教育的发展

在大众创业、万众创新的时代,共青团院校应该通过发挥团青引领优势、创新优势、桥梁优势、覆盖优势等,大力发展创业教育。通过培养大学生、青年、团员的创新创业能力,为社会经济繁荣和社会治理发展做出贡献。当然,共青团院校创业教育要更好地发挥其独特作用,还应该在争取党和政府制定激励共青团院校创业教育的政策、探索"全员创业教育"的新型机制、师生树立多元化创业教育的新观念、将创新创业贯穿人才培养的全过程、与青年企业及机构建立"无缝对接"以及加大创业教育的国际交流与合作等方面做出努力。     

汉英对比与英语教学

不论从教学过程,还是交际功能讲,英语都与汉语言、汉文化有着千丝万缕的联系。因此英语教师不仅要有过硬的专业水平,而且要有较高的汉语言修养和汉文化修养。在英语教学中通过对两种语言的对比分析,加快学生学习和掌握英语的进程。     

英语教育的劳动市场回报及英语教育政策调整 —— 基于 2016年问卷调查数据

中国的英语教育近年来受到越来越多的重视。无论是国家还是个人都投入了大量资源用于英语教育,如此巨额的投入所带来的劳动市场回报值得关注。英语教育的劳动市场回报可以分为人力资本投入回报和信号作用回报。研究发现,英语在实际工作中使用越多,工资收入越高,是为英语教育作为人力资本投入回报的证据。但在工作中很少用到英语的人,通过英语四六级考试对其工资也有显著影响,反映了英语教育具有信号作用的功能。调查显示,英语教育的信号作用是英语教育劳动市场回报的主要方面。因此,中国的英语教育有过度教育从而导致资源配置低效率之嫌,建议及时调整国家的英语教育政策。     

英语文化渗透式教学的实践与探讨

语言与文化具有紧密的联系。英语教学不应以通过考试为目的,而应注重提高实际生活中运用语言能力和交际能力。本文强调教学过程中应加强文化的渗透,利用多种渠道使学生了解中西文化的差异,并对英语教学中应注意的问题进行分析和探讨。     

Indonesia,the ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community,and the contingent profile of regional ‘great-power management’

Why does Indonesia, whose regional leadership would seem to flow so obviously from its material and normative footprint, and whose role as primus inter pares is readily, if sometimes grudgingly, acknowledged by its peers, struggle to translate that position into an unambiguous, consistent, and effective regional presence? While there are many possible answers to this question, this article focuses on societal interpretations, arguing that such a role is exercised not in a vacuum, susceptible to measurement against a set of fixed criteria, but in the context of its respective region's unique and constantly evolving profile. Drawing on the English School's concept of institutions, and focusing on three areas within the ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (migration, disaster preparedness, and the environment), the article argues that the paradox of Indonesia's powerful-but-not-powerful position reflects the kind of ‘great-power management’ that is to be expected in the restrictive context of regional international society, and is profoundly influenced by the uneven interplay of institutions embedded at different levels in the regional experience.     

A New Progressive Patriotism

The need to hold capital to account and to bend markets to the common good is as powerful as ever, yet it is becoming steadily harder to create an electoral or political majority for such an idea in societies that are fractured and divided. The fundamental bond between voters and parties depends on political identity relationships; old ones are fading, new ones need to be created. The most dynamic politics in advanced capitalist societies are those of nation, people and place. The strategic challenge for the left is to create a new progressive patriotism that can embed radical ideas in a common sense of national purpose.     

ASEAN as the ‘regional conductor’: understanding ASEAN's role in Asia-Pacific order

This paper analyses ASEAN's prominence in regional order negotiation and management in Southeast Asia and the Asia-pacific through the lens of social role negotiation. It argues that ASEAN has negotiated legitimate social roles as the ‘primary manager’ in Southeast Asia and the ‘regional conductor’ of the Asia-Pacific order. It develops an English School-inspired role negotiation framework and applies it to three periods: 1954–1975 when ASEAN's ‘primary manager’ role emerged from negotiations with the USA; 1978–1991 when ASEAN's role was strengthened through negotiations with China during the Cambodian conflict; and 1991-present when ASEAN created and expanded the ‘regional conductor’ role. Negotiations during the Cold War established a division of labour where great powers provided security public goods but the great power function of diplomatic leadership was transferred to ASEAN. ASEAN's diplomatic leadership in Southeast Asia provided a foundation for creating its ‘regional conductor’ role after the Cold War. ASEAN's ability to sustain its roles depends on maintaining role bargains acceptable to the great powers, an increasingly difficult task due to great power rivalry in the South China Sea.