基于产业组织创新视角的外贸竞争秩序规制

产业组织创新会加强竞争有序化和提升国际竞争力这一基本事实,启发了人们对产业组织创新和优化外贸竞争秩序的思考。本文在比较分析美国、日韩、意大利和中国四种出口组织模式的基础上,认为我国以各自为战为特征的中小企业组织模式容易导致出口竞争的无序化并削弱国际竞争力;围绕这一分析主题,本文对组建出口联盟关乎外贸竞争秩序优化及相对应的产业组织创新等问题进行了分析,着重探讨了由竞争向合作转化以优化外贸竞争秩序的实现路径。作为对现实的一种佐证,本文对意大利中小企业出口协营组织的成功例证进行了经验性考察。最后,对我国如何创新产业组织以改善外贸竞争秩序提出了针对性建议。     

Sex, Maids, and Export Processing: Risks and Reasons for Gendered Global Production Networks

Increasing numbers of women have become sex workers, maids, or employees in export production networks—all largely female sectors—to earn incomes in the restructured global economy. Many must migrate domestically and internationally. Women encounter many risks and much insecurity in these sectors: low wages, no benefits, long hours, harassment, health hazards, and lack of rights or legal recourse. By examining work in these three sectors simultaneously, we find that, as a result of globalization, economic restructuring, and crises, 1) women have increasingly been forced into such income-earning activities and 2) many governments have been pushed into strategies that foster these occupations.     

特朗普政府强化对中国技术出口管制的经济影响——基于“全球贸易分析模型”的评估

特朗普政府上台后,不断将中国高科技公司与机构列入美方出口管制"实体清单",技术出口管制已成为美国对中国实施极限施压和战略遏制的重要工具。本文运用GTAP评估了美国加强对华技术出口管制对中美两国经济影响,模拟分析中国采取各种对策的效果,研究表明:第一,美国不断加强对华技术出口管制,中美两国GDP、居民消费支出和资本回流净收益率、社会福利、进出口贸易遭受的负面影响也不断加大。第二,采用"增强自主创新能力"与"加强国际经济技术合作"相结合方式来应对美国技术出口管制,中国不但能够获得更多的宏观经济效益,还可以减少中国出口所遭受的负面影响与扩大中国进口,但可能对美国宏观经济和进出口贸易产生较大不利影响。第三,美方加强对中国技术出口管制,对中美两国生产部门产出影响较小;中国在增强自主创新能力的同时,加强国际经济技术合作,有助于提高美国总产出水平,更有助于提高中国的总产出水平。     

我国东西部地区毒品犯罪比较研究

毒品犯罪是一个全球化的问题。在我国 ,毒品犯罪的重灾区有六个 ,其中五个在西部。本文从我国东、西部受国际环境影响、城市化进程 (区域化经济发展 )的不同着眼 ,通过研究东、西部毒品犯罪人员、吸毒人群的差异 ,研究东、西部毒品犯罪方法手段的异同 ,旨在为国家有关部门和实战一线的辑毒工作提供决策依据。     

人口老龄化对日本制造业出口比较研究--兼论对中国的启示

人口老龄化会通过影响劳动力供给、劳动力年龄分布和劳动效率对制造业出口比较优势产生影响。文章在对日本人口老龄化和出口比较优势现状分析的基础上，通过建立误差修正模型对二者关系进行了实证检验。发现虽然日本制造业在国际市场上具有较强的出口比较优势，但随着人口老龄化程度加剧，出口比较优势呈现下降趋势，这一结果对于不同的出口比较优势指标来说都是稳健的。文章为分析中国人口结构变动的影响提供了借鉴和启示。     

出口产业生产贸易链构建的财政利益补偿机制研究——基于中国—东盟自由贸易区框架下我国粤、桂、琼、滇四省区的分析

中国—东盟自由贸易区(CAFTA)框架下我国广东、广西、海南、云南(粤、桂、琼、滇)出口产业生产贸易链(下简称"出口产业链")的构建有其现实必要性。在出口产业链的构建过程中,必然会涉及到各地区之间金融、财政税收权益等多方面相关利益的调整,需要建立有效运行的利益补偿机制,对各省区之间的利益矛盾和冲突进行解决。本文从公共财政角度出发,深入分析并论证了CAFTA框架下出口产业链的构建对广东、广西、海南、云南4省区相关利益的影响,并认为地区间利益补偿机制的建立不仅应当包括纵向的利益补偿机制,还应当包括横向的利益补偿机制,同时还必须与其他非财政性政策进行协调与配合,实现良性互动。     

论中央对香港、澳门特别行政区的立法权限

中央对香港和澳门特别行政区行使立法权不仅包括国防和外交事务 ,也包括自治范围内的有关事务。中央通过不同的方式对特别行政区行使立法权 ,保留对自治范围内事务的监督权。保持中央对特别行政区立法权的适当张力 ,有助于“一国两制”的长久实现。     

Export processing zones and corporate environmental performance in emerging economies: The case of the oil,gas, and chemical sectors of Trinidad and Tobago

Export processing zones (EPZs) are increasingly being established to promote economic growth in developing countries. However, they remain controversial and are often criticized for being associated with a “race to the bottom” characterized by the easing of labor and environmental standards. This paper investigates whether the decision to locate facilities inside these zones is associated with higher corporate environmental performance. Findings indicate that facilities operating in Trinidad and Tobago’s EPZs are more likely to show higher corporate environmental performance than those outside. Additionally, firms in state-managed zones appear to show higher corporate environmental performance than those located in privately managed zones. Enhanced institutional pressures from regulators, local communities, and fellow tenant firms may explain these differences. These results suggest that environmental policy makers and environmentalists can take advantage of already established EPZs to promote enclave enhanced institutional pressures associated with superior corporate environmental performance.

欠发达地区地方政府职能定位浅探

在市场经济条件下实现欠发达地区发展,既要发挥市场配置资源的基础性作用,又要发挥地方政府的推动和引导作用。要有效发挥地方政府的重要作用,就必须对其职能进行合理界定。     

Export-Oriented Populism: Commodities and Coalitions in Argentina

A new form of populism, combining broad-based benefits for urban workers with export promotion, emerged in Argentina under Néstor Kirchner (2003–2007). This article argues that changes in agricultural production created the conditions for this “export-oriented populism.” Historically, Argentina’s main exports, beef and wheat, were also the primary consumption goods of urban workers. Scholars such as Guillermo O’Donnell have argued that this linkage increased rural-urban conflict, resulting in shifting coalitions and recurring crises. Today, soybeans have replaced beef and wheat as the country’s leading export. Because soybeans are not consumed by the working class, Kirchner could both promote and tax their export, generating fiscal revenue for populist programs while not harming the effective purchasing power of urban workers or provoking a balance-of-payments crisis. Export orientation thus provided the basis for a new variant of Argentine populism. This study offers a new argument within the classic research tradition on the interaction between politics and various types of export growth. It likewise provides an additional basis for arguing that populism, as a form of politics, can arise in diverse economic circumstances. Furthermore, this article contends that, rather than uniformly promoting political stability, the effect of export booms is conditioned by the nature of economic linkages between the export sector and the domestic economy.