WTO《农业协定》及农产品贸易规则执行评价（上）

2008年7月29日在日内瓦持续9天的多哈回合部长会议谈判，由于未能在关键的农业问题上达成一致，无果而终。通过对十余年来《农业协定》及农产品贸易规则的执行情况进行回顾，全面分析发达国家及发展中国家执行协定的情况，找出各自的特点、存在的问题与不足，探讨谈判失败的原因和教训。第一部分分析发达国家的执行情况及农产品贸易特点；通过分析美国陆地棉案评价美国农产品补贴制度的实质以及专家纽裁决的意义。第二部分分析发展中国家的执行情况及农产品贸易特点。第三部分分析中国《农业协定》的执行情况，农产品贸易特点以及中国的立场。     

Brexit,the Belfast Agreement and Northern Ireland: Imperilling a Fragile Political Bargain

The major impact of the Belfast Agreement was to engineer a peaceful coexistence between nationalism and unionism that involved each bloc recognising it had sufficient power to thwart the political ambitions of the other side, but not enough to push through its own agenda. This paper argues that Brexit seriously damages this peaceful coexistence and could trigger what is termed an Ulster war of attrition in which Northern Ireland becomes entrapped in a political stalemate where each side strives to triumph without having sufficient power to do so. It also argues that to restore internal political stability in Northern Ireland, and to indemnify against the risk of disorderly relationships between the British and Irish governments in the future, the strategic importance of Strand 3 of the Belfast Agreement requires strengthening.     

台湾加入WTO《政府采购协议》的背景、动机与影响

加入＂政府采购协议＂（GPA）是台湾继加入WTO之后在扩大国际经济空间上的又一重大收获。这一举措的动机并非为获得GPA所带来的政府采购市场机会,而更多是出于扩大国际参与度的考虑。这也决定了其谈判过程多次波折。从谈判结果来看,加入GPA对台湾本身的经济和贸易发展影响不大,但对两岸关系以及祖国大陆加入GPA谈判却有一定的潜在影响。     

我国外资立法与TRIMs协议的冲突与协调

我国现行外资立法与TRIMs协议之间存在不少冲突。为了履行我国的入世承诺,应当在我国外资立法中确立国民待遇原则,取消数量限制的规定,增加外资立法的透明度,制定统一的《外国投资法》,完善外资立法的相关法律规范,对我国外资立法体系进行调整。     

对美国商务部有关汇率低估构成可诉补贴规则的合规性分析

美国商务部新近颁布实施的《补贴税调查程序中有关利益和专向性的修订规则》与世界贸易组织《SCM协定》的规则和实践不符;该修订规则缺乏《SCM协定》中有关提供补贴的适格主体的内容,把汇率低估视为补贴的做法与《SCM协定》行为要件“财政资助”和结果要件“授予利益”的规则和实践也不相符;而把有跨国购买或销售行为的企业视为专向性考察中的一组企业的规定也与《SCM协定》的规则和实践相左;另外,修订规则将汇率低估视为补贴也缺乏国内法的依据。修订规则为美国肆意征收反补贴税大开方便之门,成为贸易保护主义的新武器。我国应该在美国国内司法体系和世界贸易组织多边架构下挑战这一修订规则,纠正美方的贸易保护主义做法。     

Applying the Strategies of International Peacebuilding to Family Conflicts: What Those Involved in Family Disputes Can Learn from the Efforts of Peacebuilders Working to Transform War‐Torn Societies

Intractable international conflicts and difficult or intractable family conflicts have much in common. Relationships are damaged or destroyed, escalation causes parties to become polarized and make bad decisions, communication is strained or nonexistent, and competition and coercion take the place of collaboration. Similarities also exist in the realm of solutions, and those caught in (or intervening in) difficult family conflicts can learn much from the strategies and tactics of international peacebuilders. This article describes eight steps that peacebuilders at both the family level and the international level can take to make very damaging conflicts more constructive.

Key Points for the Family Court Community:
• Limiting escalation is important in both contexts.
• Preventing or correcting misunderstandings is key to resolution in both contexts as well.
• Be sure you are focusing on the real problem(s).
• Get the facts straight (and agreed upon) before making agreements.
• Healing past wrongs is important for long term stability.
• Working both within and beyond the zone of possible agreement (ZOPA) is essential in both contexts.
• Working to improve relationships helps all parties and improves the outcome.

     

政府采购法律问题研究

政府采购是现代政府的一项重要行为方式。随着体制改革的深化和加入世界贸易组织的需要 ,政府采购越来越受人们的重视。本文从政府采购的定义、起源入手 ,分析了政府采购的基本原则和主要功能 ,将各国政府采购制度进行了比较 ,并在此基础上提出了适应世贸组织《政府采购协议》及完善我国政府采购制度的若干政策建议。     

《美国-新加坡自由贸易协定》及其影响

谈判过程历时两年半之久、今年1月1日正式生效的<美国-新加坡自由贸易协定>不仅是当代双边自由贸易协定的新代表,而且在海关程序、知识产权保护、政府采购、资金流动控制等诸多方面的规定都有所创新和突破,势必会对未来的同类协定产生影响.它的产生与中国有着密不可分的关系,而它的实施也同样会对中国、东盟、亚太地区乃至全球的未来贸易发展产生重要影响.     

论行政协议

与行政合同不同的是,行政协议本质上是一种对等性行政契约。它的缔结,主要是合作各方的事,中央政府无法越俎代庖。但行政协议法这一制度平台是地方政府无能为力的,只能由中央政府来构筑和提供。只有制定行政协议法,中央政府才能对地方政府的协作实现法律监控,地方政府间的合作也才能稳固和得到法律保障。     

An Assessment of the Impact that Participation in Local Climate Networks Has on Cities’ Implementation of Climate,Energy, and Transportation Policies

Much of the attention surrounding local climate protection in the United States is associated with two networks: ICLEI Local Governments for Sustainability's Cities for Climate Protection and the U.S. Conference of Mayors’ Climate Protection Agreement (MCPA). However, the impact of these networks on member‐city actions has not been clearly established. This paper examines whether, and to what extent, participation in climate networks leads to the implementation of greenhouse gas (GHG)‐reducing policies, above and beyond what would have been done in their absence. To account for the possibility that cities which join climate networks are systematically different from those that do not and control for self‐selection induced bias, three statistical techniques—propensity score matching, Heckman full information maximum likelihood, and instrumental variables—are employed to estimate the “treatment effect” of participation. Results suggest that impact is network specific: ICLEI membership causes small to moderate increases in cities’ GHG‐relevant activity, whereas the MCPA has no such effect. The characteristics of each network are evaluated in light of these findings.