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281.
Abstract: Relationship testing laboratories provide genetic evidence to support or refute claims of kinship between U.S. citizen petitioners and potential immigrant beneficiaries. One female beneficiary presented a male amelogenin type and alleles at 15 autosomal loci that were identical to an alleged brother’s. Laboratory records showed that her alleged father had petitioned to have 15 children emigrate from Ghana. The petitioner’s 15 paternity indices exceeded 105, but the children shared only four short tandem repeat (STR) profiles, suggesting fraudulent reuse of genotypes in this alleged pedigree (AP). To determine the extent of this “genotype recycling,” I examined the laboratory’s 555 APs from Ghana and 532 control APs from Nigeria. Seventeen Ghanaian APs (3.1%) but no Nigerian APs showed genotype recycling. Of 90 tested people in the 17 APs, 56 shared identical STR profiles with others in their AP. Of these 56 people, 10 were petitioners with unexpectedly high parentage indices. Seven of 56 had amelogenin types that disagreed with their declared genders. Database searches for identical multilocus genotypes in allegedly different people would best detect this fraud.  相似文献   
282.
面对能源安全领域的挑战,包括能源结构单一、自给率低、效率进步缓慢和环境问题凸显,东盟五国政府通过能源三大法律政策实施、能源效率奖励机制创新以及区域能源合作网构建等政策保障制度来应对能源安全危机。相似的能源现状为借鉴东盟五国经验奠定了基础。中国应出台和完善保障性能源安全政策,创新能源效率奖励系统,加强能源基础设施建设和深化国际能源合作。  相似文献   
283.
The article focuses on a new political player: the Five Star Movement led by the comedian Beppe Grillo. The party lies at the junction between different organisational models and conceptions of democracy: it combines an online and an offline presence; it has ‘horizontal’ structural elements, but a top-down decision-making process; it is positioned ‘beyond’ ideologies, while its electorate comes from various political families. The work considers the history, message, leader, organisation and electoral base of the movement, as well as the political opportunity structure that facilitated its growth in 2012 and the challenges it faces in the delicate phase of institutionalisation.  相似文献   
284.
The article analyses the results of the Italian municipal elections held in May 2013. It focuses on their three most striking features: the clear victory of the centre-left coalition, the marked drop in voter turnout and the shrinkage of the Five Stars Movement (M5S). The article analyses the causes of the M5S' loss of votes and interprets this new party with reference to European (disaffection towards political institutions and the ‘counter-democracy’ phenomenon as explained by Rosanvallon) and Italian (the crumbling of the party system) variables.  相似文献   
285.
This article considers the transition in 2012 from control orders to more ECHR‐compliant ‘terrorism prevention and investigation measures’ under the Terrorism Prevention and Investigation Measures Act 2011. It argues that the interaction between security and liberty over the post 9/11 years has the appearance of a dialogue between courts and the executive that has resulted in a diminution in the repressive character of non‐trial based preventive measures. But such an impression, it will be contended, is obscuring the recalibration of ECHR rights that has occurred, easing the path to the introduction of the enhanced version of TPIMs, under the Enhanced Terrorism Prevention and Investigation Measures Bill. The proposed ETPIMs exhibit many of the objectionable features of control orders and are currently ready to introduce if the threat level rises.  相似文献   
286.
Abstract

In December 2006, Indonesian Health Minister, Siti Fadilah Supari, shocked the world when announcing her government would no longer be sharing samples of the H5N1 avian flu virus, collected from Indonesian patients, with the World Health Organization, at a time when global fears of a deadly influenza pandemic were running high. For observers of Southeast Asian politics, the decision reinforced the view of the region as made up of states determined to protect their national sovereignty, at almost all costs. This established view of the region, however, generally neglects the variable and selective manner in which sovereignty has been invoked by Southeast Asian governments, or parts thereof, and fails to identify the conditions shaping the deployment of sovereignty. In this paper, it is argued that Siti's action was designed to harness claims of sovereignty to a domestic political struggle. It was a response to the growing fragmentation and, in some cases, denationalisation of the governance apparatus dealing with public health in Indonesia, along with the ‘securitisation’ of H5N1 internationally. The examination of the virus-sharing dispute demonstrates that in Southeast Asia sovereignty is not so much the ends of government action, but the means utilised by government actors for advancing particular political goals.  相似文献   
287.
POPULATION: Blood samples were collected from a total of 84 healthy and unrelated Halakki (44) and Kunabhi (40) populations, with their informed written consent. The geographic location of the sampled area is shown in Fig. 1. Both the populations are endogamous, and they belong to Dravidian linguistic family. Halakki is a tribal group having a population size of approximately 3383. They claim that they originally belong to Gujarat and Rajasthan, and migrated through Andhra Pradesh to Karnataka. Kunabhi is also a tribal population, who are approximately 35,214 in number. The male Kunabhi can be identified by their tattoo marks. A necklace is the symbol of married women. They were hunters and gatherers, but at present they practice agriculture.  相似文献   
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贯彻“三个代表” 的要求,本质在于执政为民,这是马克思主义政党的一贯准则,是现代政治文明的集中体现,是民主政治建设的必然要求。为此,我们还有许多工作要做。  相似文献   
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