Taking ‘Big Government Conservatism’ Seriously? The Bush Presidency Reconsidered

This article reflects on the ongoing debate about the ideological direction of the Bush presidency and what it means for the future of US conservatism in domestic policy. The paper considers the dual nature of US conservatism and then goes on to explore the 'conservative promise' of the 2000 presidential election and the debate over what critiques of the Bush administration have come to call 'big government conservatism'. Finally, the article studies two examples of how this alleged 'big government conservatism' has been manifested. First, the article contemplates the administration's fiscal policy. Second it looks at the 2003 reform of the Medicare system. We argue that, although these two cases provide some ground to the idea of 'big government conservatism', in the end this phenomenon does not add up to a coherent policy vision. Overall, beyond tax cuts, the Bush administration has failed to implement a bold conservative agenda.     

"9·11"后布什政府对"敌人"的建构

“9·11”恐怖主义袭击带来的最迫切需要是识别出美国的敌人。对敌人的建构包括两个方面,即对敌人的抽象化与非人化,对自身国家的拟人化。本文考察了布什政府在“9·11”后对其“敌人”的建构,认为其努力既有成功之处,也有失败之处。它成功地塑造了敌人“邪恶”和自身“善”的形象,但这只会是短期的成功。由于恐怖主义的性质,美国又不得不将敌人具体化、扩大化,从而导致了美国在“9·11”后建构“敌人”的长期失败。     

乔治·华盛顿军事思想述评

早在殖民地时期,华盛顿就生动地阐述了用武力反抗暴政的思想。独立战争期间,伴随着军事斗争实践经验的不断积累,华盛顿的军事思想得以全面丰富和发展,主要包括:实行积极的防御,根据敌我双方的力量对比灵活制定战略;着眼形势的发展,正确作出判断和决策;集中优势兵力;保持部队的机动性;加强正规军建设;树立必胜的信念;建立国际军事同盟;等等。华盛顿和平时期的国防思想主要包括以下内容:坚持不加重国家经济负担的军事建设原则;把海军放在军队建设的第一位;国防建设的基点放在民兵身上;坚持文官治军原则;重视军事教育和军事科研;等等。     

The US–Russian security ‘reset’: implications for Central-Eastern Europe and Germany

Abstract

The article examines the reactions of selected European states to the US-performed ‘reset’ in relations with Russia and explores the ways in which they have been adapting to the new set-up. The article is divided into three parts: after the discussion of the substantive continuity and limited change in US foreign and security policy (USFSP), the multilateral and bilateral dimensions of USFSP procedure are examined through John Ruggie's theoretical observations. The second part of the article deals with implications of the USFSP for Central-Eastern European countries. This part begins with a discussion of Russian attempts to wheedle Europe into embracing its plans for new European security architecture. The next section sheds light on the unexpected process of strategic realignment of the region (USA/NATO/EU/CSDP) and simultaneous transformation of the special relationship with the USA into ‘normal life’. The third part of the article tackles the implications of heightened US–Russian bilateralism for Germany. Authors' findings, many of them based on conducted elite interviews, suggest the contrary process, namely Germany's strengthened multilateral commitment to the EU and specifically to European Security and Defence Policy, limiting the bilateral option to energy trade with Russia. What follows are concluding remarks.     

How Bush bungled Asia: militarism,economic indifference and unilateralism have weakened the United States across Asia

Abstract

Criticism of the Bush administration's policies in East Asia is hardly common fare. Roseate colors certainly pervade the picture painted by defenders of Bush's policies toward Asia who argue that relations between the US and that region have never been better. This paper shows to the contrary that the Bush administration politicized wide swaths of public policy, including foreign relations, in an effort to create a permanent Republican electoral majority. That effort created a host of failures in America's Asian relations. The article focuses on three central problems: excessive militarization of American foreign policy; economic mismanagement; and a unilateralism that distanced the US from the rising Asian regionalism. The failures are not irreversible however and a change in administration has the potential to revitalize cross Pacific ties.     

“单边”到“多边”——布什政府对奥巴马政府对朝政策的影响

美国布什政府对朝政策有其产生的根源和国内外的制约因素,形成了"单边"到"多边"的对朝政策转变过程并表现出特有的规律。对此认真分析和研究,有助于我们对布什政府的"单边"到"多边"的对朝政策进行整体和宏观把握,厘清布什政府对奥巴马政府对朝政策的影响。     

近代中英关系史上的小斯当东--《小斯当东回忆录》译后余语

小斯当东是近代中英关系史中最具代表性的人物之一，他的商人、外交使节、议员等多重身份，使得他的经历富有故事性。他于1856年完成的《小斯当东回忆录》极具史料价值。从小斯当东的履历、小斯当东与中国、小斯当东与《大清律例》的翻译、小斯当东的英国议员经历等角度出发，可以展现《小斯当东回忆录》一书的主要内容，并勾勒出小斯当东在中英交往初期所发挥的独特作用。     

Exploring the Terrorist Nature of Political Assassinations: A Reinterpretation of the Orsini Attentat

This paper reassesses the suggestion, advanced among others by David George, that the 1858 failed attentat by the Italian patriot Felice Orsini against Napoleon III can be considered as a paradigmatic instance of “terrorist assassination.” Drawing on a new interpretation of the acts of Orsini's trial, the paper argues that Orsini's motivations were to a large degree “idiosyncratic”; however, it also discusses evidence suggesting that the significant collateral damage caused by the attack was, in Orsini's mind, one of the aims of the action and cannot be portrayed as unintended.     

Timothy E. Cook: 1954–2006

Abstract

This article describes the organizational and operational aspects of diplomacy's interplay with the news media in Britain. It examines the media's role as a source of information for ministers, officials, and the wider public; the media's effect on official and unofficial thinking; the media's roles in interdepartmental coordination and during international negotiations; and the uses of the media by the government as channels to mold public attitudes at home and abroad. It concludes by considering the implications of advancements in media technology, and greater public interest in international affairs, for media diplomacy.