British Muslim Political Participation: After Bradford

In this article I argue that there is a significant generational shift within British Pakistani communities in relation to political participation and civic engagement. Using George Galloway's March 2012 by‐election victory in Bradford West and an analysis of primary empirical research conducted amongst British Pakistani communities between 2005–2007, and, 2011, I argue that kinship‐based bloc voting—a feature of British Pakistani political engagement in UK politics—is being challenged. A younger generation of British Pakistanis want politicians to engage with them as individuals rather than politicians assuming their votes through co‐opting Pakistani community elders in a system of patronage politics, an arrangement which has been in place since mass immigration from the subcontinent in the 1950s and 60s.     

Wertsicherungsvereinbarung – Angemessenheitsprüfung bei Altverträgen

Eine im Geltungsbereich des MRG erfolgte einseitige gesetzliche Erh?hung des vor Inkrafttreten des MRG zul?ssig frei vereinbarten Hauptmietzinses ist nicht dem Fall gleichzuhalten, dass die Wertsicherungsvereinbarung auf den ursprünglich zul?ssig frei vereinbarten Hauptmietzins anzuwenden ist. Vielmehr liegt im Fall einer einseitigen gesetzlichen Erh?hung des Hauptmietzinses (hier aufgrund des Vorliegens des Tatbestandes des § 12 a Abs 3 MRG) eben keine auf ihre Angemessenheit nicht überprüfbare Vereinbarung in einem vor dem 1. 1. 1982 geschlossenen "Altvertrag" vor. Die "Kombination" dahin, dass der im Geltungsbereich des MRG gesetzlich erh?hte nunmehrige angemessene Hauptmietzins aufgrund der ursprünglichen Wertsicherungsvereinbarung unüberprüfbar erh?ht werden kann, also ein überschreiten der Angemessenheitsgrenze des § 16 Abs 1 MRG durch die Anwendung der alten Wertsicherungsvereinbarung nicht geltend gemacht werden kann, würde zu einem unbilligen Ergebnis führen.     

GEORGE W. BUSH AND ASIA: IN THE SHADOW OF 11 SEPTEMBER

Traditionally seen as a President consumed by the war on terror, George W. Bush is frequently portrayed as being relatively uninterested in Asia, and unable to outline a vision or a strategy to China, America’s Asian allies and Asian multilateral mechanisms. This article will revisit Bush’s policy on Asia and show a president who guided the United States with a policy that balanced the need to combat global terrorism and locate a focus on Asia. He faced the dilemmas of building cooperative relations with a rising China while trying to foster American alliances and partnerships in Asia, and managing the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Utilizing qualitative content analysis as the main research method, the article will demonstrate that the Bush administration had not a lack of focus on Asia and that Bush’s diplomacy to Asia should be recognized as one of the most significant achievements of his presidency.     

When police pull back: Neighborhood-level effects of de-policing on violent and property crime,a research note

Many U.S. cities witnessed both de-policing and increased crime in 2020, yet whether the former contributed to the latter remains unclear. Indeed, much of what is known about the effects of proactive policing on crime comes from studies that evaluated highly focused interventions atypical of day-to-day policing, used cities as the unit of analysis, or could not rule out endogeneity. This study addresses each of these issues, thereby advancing the evidence base concerning the effects of policing on crime. Leveraging two exogenous shocks presented by the onset of the coronavirus 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic and social unrest after the murder of George Floyd, we evaluated the effects of sudden and sustained reductions in high-discretion policing on crime at the neighborhood level in Denver, Colorado. Multilevel models accounting for trends in prior police activity, neighborhood structure, seasonality, and population mobility revealed mixed results. On the one hand, large-scale reductions in stops and drug-related arrests were associated with significant increases in violent and property crimes, respectively. On the other hand, fewer disorder arrests did not affect crime. These results were not universal across neighborhoods. We discuss the implications of these findings in light of debates concerning the appropriate role of policing in the 21st century.     

The Love That Dare Not Speak its Name? George W. Bush: State and Nation Building in Afghanistan, 2001–2

George W. Bush was an unlikely statebuilder. This controversial activity—one that he and many others persistently referred to as ‘nation building’—held little appeal for America's 43rd president. He did, however, learn to appreciate Charles Krauthammer's axiom that ‘no sane person opposes nation building in places that count’. This article posits that, contrary to the conventional wisdom, a more nuanced reading of the evidence shows that Bush rapidly and fairly consistently adopted something that resembled statebuilding, even if he was reluctant to acknowledge this in public. Bush's early decisions in Afghanistan merit a second look, not least because they pivot on a U-turn that established the foundations for a lengthy broad spectrum commitment that would last more than ten years.     

Selbstverwaltung durch die Wohnungseigentümer mit Aufteilung bestimmter gemeinschaftlicher Verwaltungsaufgaben – gerichtliche Bestellung eines WE-Verwalters nach § 30 Abs 1 Z 6 WEG 2002

Gemeinschaftliche Eigen- oder Selbstverwaltung der Eigentümergemeinschaft vertreten durch die Mehrheit der Wohnungseigentümer – wie im schlichten Miteigentumsrecht nach den §§ 833ff ABGB so im WEG 1948, 1975 und 2002 als Normalfall konzipiert – liegt vor, solange diese nach dem Mehrheitswillen der Wohnungseigentümer die WE-Verwaltung selbstverantwortlich führt, auch wenn hiebei einzelne Wohnungseigentümer bestimmte einzelne Verwaltungsaufgaben (hier: zB gemeinsame Kontoführung oder Erstellen der Jahresabrechnungen) wahrnehmen, ohne dass sie auf Grund dieser Aufteilung die WE-Verwalterpflichten nach § 20 WEG 2002 treffen. Deshalb scheidet in diesem Fall auch eine Verwalterabberufung gem § 21 WEG 2002 aus. Die rechtsgestaltende Au?erstreitrichterentscheidung nach § 30 Abs 1 Z 6 (und § 23 Satz 1) WEG 2002, ob auf Antrag eines Wohnungseigentümers anstelle der bisherigen Selbstverwaltung ein WE-Verwalter zu bestellen ist, setzt voraus, dass der ASt die Untunlichkeit oder Unm?glichkeit der Aufrechterhaltung der Selbstverwaltung darzutun vermag. Lehre und Rsp zu § 13a Abs 1 Z 6 WEG 1975 idF 3. W?G (davor § 15) werden vom OGH für das geltende Recht übernommen. Der WE-Verwalter/die selbstverwaltenden Wohnungseigentümer ist/sind nicht verpflichtet, in der Jahresabrechnung die Umsatzsteuer bei jeder einzelnen Ausgabenpost auszuweisen. Zum Verh?ltnis von § 32 Abs 2 WEG 2002 zu § 17 Abs 2 MRG hinsichtlich der Nutzfl?chenberechnung von Keller- und Dachbodenr?umen.     

Pax Americana: Bumping into Diplomatic Culture

The existence of a deeply rooted, state-based diplomatic culture with its own distinctive institutions, values, and norms has been neglected in both the study and the practice of international relations, especially in the United States. This neglect has had consequences in recent years, notably in connection with the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Using Iraq as a case study, I argue that the United States transgressed five norms of diplomatic culture that are widely accepted: the use of force only as last resort, transparency, continuous dialogue, multilateralism, and civility. Criticisms of these transgressions and the US responses to these criticisms suggest that even a paramount America cannot avoid diplomatic culture's pervasive influence.     

《达洛卫夫人》中赛普蒂默斯的存在主义英雄形象

在《达洛卫夫人》中，伍尔夫借助赛普蒂默斯的视角，前瞻性地揭示了世界的荒诞、人的存在与本质等后来的存在主义作家关注的问题。赛普蒂默斯以他对荒诞的清醒认识和对荒诞的大无畏反抗，维护了自己心灵的纯洁，实现了自己存在的价值；与此同时，他还勇敢地承担起作为社会的一员所应有的责任，毅然选择自杀以震撼和警醒世人麻木不仁的心灵，使自己的精神通过达洛卫夫人等人得以传递和延续。他的死使他成为一位勇于创造生命本质、敢于承担责任的存在主义英雄。     

Can We Have a Public Bioethic?

This essay examines the viability of a publically held, articulated, and enacted bioethic in America's democratic regime. The essay takes the writings of several thinkers associated with the President's Council on Bioethics as its point of departure. The essay draws attention to some of the enduring moral, political, religious, and intellectual currents inherent in American civil society that will continue to provide both resources for and obstacles to any publicly held bioethic in America.

A dog in the fight

Holly Hughes’ “A Dog in the Fight” is a queer and feminist literary performance that models a feminist politics of performance that stands as alternative to performances of power that come from the officially anointed space of politics. In this piece, Hughes meditates on the queer relationship between US Presidents and their faithful companions, their dogs. Refusing to jump through the “ceiling” to get into the White House, Hughes offers critique of power from her own couch, recounting her hopes and disappointments in the young Obama administration, while forcing a hated former leader (George W. Bush) from the White House into her performance space as she offers up both a critique of his politics and admits to an uncomfortable affiliation with his love of dogs. What emerges from this performance is a critical call to continue an engagement with struggles for social justice from the fecund and powerful places that exist outside of the authorized institutions of politics, no matter what women and men take up positions within these institutions.