德国行政强制执行的方式与程序介绍

德国行政执行法律是行政机关自力强制执行模式的典型代表,对许多国家和地区的立法都产生了重要影响。结合德国行政法学界的讨论与相关司法判例,解析该国行政强制执行的前提条件、强制手段以及程序等问题,理清《联邦行政执行法》与《行政程序法》之间的衔接,具有借鉴意义。我国行政法学在法律技术方面深受以德国为代表的大陆法系法学的影响,系统深入地理解德国行政执行法律制度,将有助于我国的《行政强制法》立法进程。     

走向双重维度的研究——德美法学教育的研究性及其启示

研究性教学旨在通过学生主体参与,培养学生理论研究与创新工作的能力。德美法学教育改革中逐步凸显的理论指向与实践指向平衡发展的研究性教学,对我国当前的法学教育深有启迪。借鉴德美研究性教学经验,发展适合我国法学本科研究性教学的具体模式,将为完善我国当前的本科法学教育提供新的思考。     

工业4.0背景下德国应对3D打印技术的法政策学分析——兼论我国对3D打印技术的法政策路径选择

3D打印技术作为工业4.0中实现"智能生产"和"智能工厂"的方式,是促进我国制造业转型的重要路径。通过对德国政府应对3D打印技术发展所制订的科技政策和法律政策的分析,欲促进我国3D打印技术快速发展,提升我国3D打印产业的国际竞争力,首先,应通过制定和完善与3D打印有关的科技政策,引导科研资源和资本向3D打印产业分流;其次,应通过对现行相关法律的解释、归纳和演绎,寻求应对3D打印技术发展的法律适用的空间;此外,在政策的制定与法律适用的过程中,需要选择符合我国国情的3D打印技术保护标准和创新发展之路径。     

Description of the peasants’ sexual behavior in August Wilhelm Hupel’s Topographical Messages in the context of the history of the Estonian family

The aim of this article is to introduce the work of August Wilhem Hupel, a Baltic German author of the 18th century. The article focuses on the sections in his most voluminous work Topographische Nachrichten von Lief- und Ehstland (1774–1782) that describe Estonian peasants’ sexuality. Hupel’s writings belong to the sources of the history of the Estonian family, a field that has been rediscovered at the beginning of the 21st century. Thanks to the work of Marika Mägi and Nils Blomkvist, a new paradigm for research in this field has been opened up. This article adheres to that paradigm.     

利他合同的基本理论问题

基于“不得为他人缔约”的规则,罗马法上不承认利他合同。欧洲共同法时期受自然法学思想的影响,承认了利他合同,但以第三人的接受作为前提。因为其在实践上的缺陷,这一理论逐渐为新理论所取代,直接承认合同可以对第三人产生效力。建立中国法上的利他合同制度,不宜通过对合同法第64条的解释来实现,而应在完整借鉴大陆法系利他合同理论的基础上,在未来民法典中通过立法的方式来实现。     

The Baltic Question in West German Politics, 1949–90

While previous research by international lawyers has emphasized Bonn's value-neutral legalistic approach to the Baltic question from 1949 to 1990, this article–based on documents from the German Foreign Ministry archives–shows that the West Germans saw the Baltic issue as a political problem that interfered with their highest national aim: German unification. It addresses the following questions: first, why Bonn never made an official announcement of, and never publicly gave a justification for, its stance on the Baltic question; and second, why Bonn granted Baltic refugees the same rights that it offered other Heimat-less foreigners, whereas the remnants of Baltic diplomatic services or self-proclaimed exile governments found no official recognition in Germany. Finally, it comments on the role of the so-called German Balts in West German politics, and in Bonn's Baltic policies specifically.     

Notes on contributors

In the Kosovo crisis, Germany for the first time since 1955 joined NATO military combat operations in a major way. While this has often been interpreted as a fundamental major departure ('normalisation') in Germany's post‐war foreign policy, this article argues that Germany's willingness to contemplate joining a NATO war even without a mandate by the UN Security Council represents an evolution, rather than a fundamental change in Germany's foreign policy orientation. This evolution can be explained best as a logical and consistent response of Germany's foreign policy identity which reconciled, through modification, its traditional post war foreign policy identity as a ‘civilian power’ to a radically different security environment.