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151.
This paper examines the concept of putting history “under the power of the public”. It discusses the role played by former employees in researching and publishing the histories of two former large industrial history/heritage sites in Perth, Western Australia. The projects originated not in academia but from past employees who sought the help of labour historians to record the histories. Former employees provided much of the research material and assisted as sources of information, interviewers and interviewees, site guides and critics of work put forward for publication. While academic authors were responsible for interpreting their own research, past employees had a voice in the ways in which the sites’ stories were presented to the public, and the veracity of that information. The article explores the subversive potential of subaltern histories such as these, as well as some principles for putting history under the power of the public. It concludes by examining the strengths and weaknesses of this method, including the extent to which the pressures of academia discourage historians from engaging with “popular” projects requiring “a different voice”.  相似文献   
152.
构建经侦协作机制是有效打击和防范经济犯罪、加强和改进公安经侦工作的重要抓手。实现经侦部门业务向派出所的有效延伸,有助于提升经侦部门整体作战效能;实现派出所与经侦警力的有效衔接,有助于提升派出所服务辖区和维护社会稳定的实力。  相似文献   
153.
《WTO反倾销协议》中有关于公共利益的规定条款。但由于在利害关系方制度上考虑不周,以致这些公共利益条款的立法缺陷比较明显,使得《WTO反倾销协议》几乎成为纯粹的国内产业的保护手段。应对的措施是进一步完善《WTO反倾销协议》中的公共利益条款,扩大相关利害关系方的范围,强调倾销产品工业用户的利益。  相似文献   
154.
This research explores how political linkages between civil society organizations (CSOs) and Parliament are established, formed, and operated, using the drafting of the Aceh Governance Law as a case study. It finds that the initiative of establishing political linkages between CSOs and Parliament was taken by the CSOs joined in the Aceh Democracy Network (JDA, Jaringan Demokrasi Aceh). It confirms Lawson’s finding that parties are not the only linkage providers; however, the establishment of non-party linkages are not indicators of parties’ failure to provide linkage. This article shows how what Lawson terms ‘typology’—participatory linkage, policy-responsive linkage, linkage by reward, directive or coercive linkage—is manifested more as different ‘dimensions’ of linkages. Participatory linkage involves a bottom-up model, unlike directive or coercive linkage, which are top-down. Likewise, the motives behind responsive linkages—for aspirations, demands, and views to be heard—tend to be from the bottom, while the motives of linkage by reward is more frequently from the top.Abbreviations: ACSTF: Aceh Civil Society Task Force; ADF: Aceh Development Fund. Independent non-profit organization that works to mobilize funds and other resources to be channelled to CSOs are characterized by changes in the framework of poverty alleviation and strengthening of democracy, with the scope of the working area of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam; AJMI: Aceh Judicial Monitoring Institute. Aceh-based nongovernmental organization which advocates for victims of state violence; Cetro: Centre for Electoral Reform. Non-profit organization that aim to strengthen and promote fair elections through electoral system reformation; Demos: Lembaga Kajian Demokrasi dan Hak Asasi (democracy and human rights think tank); ELSAM: Lembaga Studi dan Advokasi Masyarakat (Institute for Societal Study and Advocacy); Flower: Aceh-based civil society organization concerned with gender, empowerment and strengthening grassroots women in urban and rural areas; FORBES: Forum bersama politisi asal Aceh (Joint Forum of Politicians from Aceh); Forum: LSM Aceh Forum Lembaga Swadaya Masyarakat (Aceh Nongovernment Organization Forum); GAM: Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (Free Aceh Movement); Golkar: Golongan Karya (Functional Groups). Party formed under the New Order and represented as a governmental party at that time; ICW: Indonesia Corruption Watch. Nongovernmental organization founded in 1998 whose primary mission is to monitor and report to the public incidents of corruption in Indonesia; Imparsial: Indonesian Human Rights Monitor. Founded in 2002 to monitor and investigate human right violations; JDA: Jaringan Demokrasi Aceh (Aceh Democracy Network); JPUK: Jaringan Perempuan untuk Kebijakan (Women’s Policy Network); Kalyanamitra: Women’s advocacy organization, especially for women who work as labourers, farmers, fishers, informal sector workers. Kalyanamitra derives from Sanskrit ‘Good Friend’; Koalisi NGO HAM: Coalition of Human Right Nongovernment Organizations. Founded in 1998 by nongovernmental organizations whose concern is promoting human rights in Aceh; KontraS: Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence; KPMD: Komite Monitoring Perdamaian dan Demokrasi (Committee for Peace and Democracy). Founded in Aceh in 2002 to bring peace and justice for Acehnese people; MISPI: Mitra Sejati Perempuan Indonesia (True Partner of Indonesian Women). Aceh-based women’s organization that promotes women’s participation and encourages women to speak with their own voices; MPR: Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat (People’s Consultative Assembly); PAN: Partai Amanat Nasional (National Mandate Party). Moderate Islamist political party that was founded by reformists, including Amien Rais, former chairman of the Muhammadiyah organization; PBR: Partai Bintang Reformasi (Star of Reform Party). Islamist political party founded in 2002 as a result of PPP conflict; PDIP: Partai Demokrasi Indonesia-Perjuangan (Indonesian Democrat Party-Struggle). Founded by Megawati Soekarnoputri, daughter of Soekarno, in 1999; PDRM: Pergerakan Demokratik Rakyat Miskin (Democratic Movement for the Poor); PKB: Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (National Awakening Party). Established in 1998, representing Nahdlatul Ulama organization (associations of ulamas formed in 1926 in East Java); PKS: Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Prosperous Justice Party). New name of Partai Keadilan (Justice Party), which emerged from the Tarbiyah party movement; PPP: Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (United Development Party). Founded by the New Order in 1973 as part of the ‘rationalization of political life’; PSHK: Pusat Studi Hukum dan Kebijakan (Centre for Legal and Policy Studies). Established in 2008 by several scholars, advocates, and law students to drive efforts for legal reform after the 1998 reformation; WALHI: Wahana Lingkungan Hidup Indonesia (Indonesian Environmental Forum). Founded in 1980, its scope is broader than just environmental concerns, but also works for social transformation, people’s sovereignty, and sustainability of life and livelihoods; YAPPIKA: Yayasan Penguatan Partisipasi Inisiatif dan Kemitraan Masyarakat (Foundation to Reinforce Public Participation, Initiative, and Partnership). Founded in 1991 to promote peacebuilding, development of democratic local governance, active citizenship, and claiming state responsibility to meet people’s basic needs  相似文献   
155.
李靖宇  薛锋 《中国发展》2009,9(2):72-81
东北综合经济区必须抓住饥遇,依托产业、人才、地缘等优势,加快现代中药和生物药、光电子及信息产业、航空航人产业、新材料产业等高新技术产业基地建设。而对于目前存在的区域金融环境恶化、自主创新能力薄弱、人才机制建设落后、政府眼务意识低下等问题,必须采取有效措施加以解决:积极拓展国际合作,主动寻求国际技术支持;改善区域金融环境,保障科技发展资金支持;实施人才强区战略,保证科技发展智力支持;提高自主创新能力,突破科学技术发展瓶颔;强化政府服务意识,形成政产学研一体化局面。  相似文献   
156.
加快吸收日韩资金的新对策研究   总被引:2,自引:2,他引:0  
近年来日韩投资重心不断南移表明,地缘优势对外资区位选择的影响程度在降低。在新形势下要加快利用日韩资金的步伐,就必须提高引资竞争力。可采取的主要措施有:促进产业集群发展,切实增强产业配套能力;降低商务成本,增强外企的成本竞争力;以强化服务为重点,营造良好的开放环境。  相似文献   
157.
在调整东北老工业基地产业结构中,有人认为工业是东北的特色,应该扬长避短。几次调整后,东北地区产业结构中的服务业仍然低于全国的平均值。根据国际和国内一些政治经济核心城市发展的规律,现代服务业与新型工业的发展如影随形,已经形成互动机制,现代服务业与新型工业是融合发展的关系。这也是新一轮经济发展的特点,东北地区经济发展应该顺应这种趋势。  相似文献   
158.
上下班途中的工伤   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
通过对现行法律规定的分析,并结合法理分析,职工在上下班途中,受到机动车事故伤害,被认定为工伤需要具备积极条件与消极条件.职工在上下班途中受到机动车事故伤害而被认定为工伤的,交通事故赔偿和工伤保险待遇赔偿应分开单独进行.  相似文献   
159.
辽宁省产业结构与经济增长实证分析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
从对辽宁省的产业结构状况及细分的行业结构状况进行实证分析发现:辽宁省的第三产业相对于第一和第二产业而言已经过大,它的增加值对国内生产总值的产出弹性较小,制约了其他产业对国内生产总值的贡献;在细分行业中,辽宁省的整体经济中能最有效地拉动经济增长的是第一产业和第二产业中的建筑业,其次是第三产业中的批发零售餐饮业。  相似文献   
160.
韩洪锡  邓创 《东北亚论坛》2008,17(3):116-120
儒教文化对韩国的政治、经济及文化等领域产生了深远的影响。即便在市场竞争被认为是社会经济发展主要动力的今天,儒教传统文化中的"仁"或"人和"理念在韩国企业经营中同样发挥着不容忽视的作用。LG集团作为韩国著名的家族式跨国企业,通过"人和"经营理念,不仅保持了经营层内部的团结,而且建立了和谐、稳定的劳资关系,实现了企业经营者与劳动者双赢的局面。韩国LG集团的成功经验对中国企业具有重要的借鉴意义。  相似文献   
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