全文获取类型
| 收费全文 | 2762篇 |
| 免费 | 8篇 |
专业分类
| 各国政治 | 284篇 |
| 工人农民 | 28篇 |
| 世界政治 | 143篇 |
| 外交国际关系 | 282篇 |
| 法律 | 453篇 |
| 中国共产党 | 32篇 |
| 中国政治 | 103篇 |
| 政治理论 | 611篇 |
| 综合类 | 834篇 |
出版年
| 2024年 | 3篇 |
| 2023年 | 28篇 |
| 2022年 | 22篇 |
| 2021年 | 74篇 |
| 2020年 | 105篇 |
| 2019年 | 63篇 |
| 2018年 | 55篇 |
| 2017年 | 82篇 |
| 2016年 | 82篇 |
| 2015年 | 61篇 |
| 2014年 | 159篇 |
| 2013年 | 303篇 |
| 2012年 | 182篇 |
| 2011年 | 157篇 |
| 2010年 | 155篇 |
| 2009年 | 198篇 |
| 2008年 | 177篇 |
| 2007年 | 162篇 |
| 2006年 | 157篇 |
| 2005年 | 150篇 |
| 2004年 | 130篇 |
| 2003年 | 97篇 |
| 2002年 | 77篇 |
| 2001年 | 50篇 |
| 2000年 | 30篇 |
| 1999年 | 8篇 |
| 1998年 | 1篇 |
| 1996年 | 1篇 |
| 1991年 | 1篇 |
排序方式： 共有2770条查询结果，搜索用时 0 毫秒
101.
ABSTRACTInstitutions undertake a huge variety of constitutive purposes. One of the roles of legitimacy is to protect and promote an institution’s pursuit of its purpose; state legitimacy is generally understood as the right to rule, for example. When considering legitimacy beyond the state, we have to take account of how differences in purposes change legitimacy. I focus in particular on how differences in purpose matter for the stringency of the standards that an institution must meet in order to be legitimate. An important characteristic of an institution’s purpose is its deontic status, i.e. whether it is morally impermissible, merely permissible, or mandatory. Although this matters, it does so in some non-obvious ways; the mere fact of a morally impermissible purpose is not necessarily delegitimating, for example. I also consider the problem of conflicting, multiple, and contested institutional purposes, and the different theoretical roles for institutional purpose. Understanding how differences in purpose matter for an institution’s legitimacy is one part of the broader project of theorizing institutional legitimacy in the many contexts beyond the traditional context of the state. 相似文献
102.
103.
104.
105.
106.
107.
Lee Artz 《Third world quarterly》2020,41(8):1388-1405
AbstractOne key marker of mass social movements transitioning to participatory democratic governance is popular media access. This essay argues that democratic media access by public constituencies becomes a site for constructing social revolution and simultaneously a manifest empirical measure of the extent of democratic participation in the production, distribution, and use of communication with new cultural possibilities. The participatory production practices (with citizens producing and hosting their own programs) and the democratic content (of oral histories, local issues, critiques of government and business, and everyday vernacular) reflect the hegemony of emerging ‘Bolivarian’ twenty-first century socialism expressed as popular participation in media production. Bolstered by constitutional changes and public funding, popular social movements of civil society, indigenous, women, and working class organizations have gained revolutionary ground by securing in practice the right of media production. Findings indicate that public and community media (that move beyond alternative sites of local expression and concerns) provide a startling revolutionary contrast to the commercial media operations in every nation. Popular media constructions suggest a new radically democratic cultural hegemony based on human solidarity with collective, participatory decision-making and cooperation offering real possibilities and experiences for increased equality and social justice. 相似文献
108.
Fabio Scarpello 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2020,28(2):122-141
ABSTRACT Indonesian Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Minister, Susi Pudjiastuti, has become a political superstar on the back of the media attention gained with her tough stance in fighting illegal fishing since 2014. But, beyond the headlines, little is known of the political struggles unleashed by her approach, on how her policies have affected the political economy of the industry, and on whether her reforms are sustainable. Drawing on over 30 in-depth interviews, this article fills the gap. The picture that emerges is complex and fluid: the minister has made progress in limiting the reach of the foreign-led fisheries mafia, but achieved limited success in convincing Indonesians to invest in the industry or in building a constituency to support her drive. Through the lens of the political economy of the fisheries, this article also offers a window into how politics is contested in increasingly ‘populist’ Indonesia. 相似文献
109.
ABSTRACT Brand hate is defined as a severe dislike for a product or service by the consumer. Although brand hate has been recognized as a critical element, in the political market, there is a lack of understanding of the impact of brand hate on voters. This study is an attempt to examine the antecedents and consequences of brand hate in the political market. The study reveals that unmet expectations, symbolic incongruity, and ideological incompatibility of electorates have a significant positive impact on brand hate intensity. The result shows that political product involvement significantly mediates the relationship between unmet expectations, symbolic incongruity, and ideological incompatibility and brand hate intensity. The study further reveals that as an outcome of political brand hate, electorates put emphasis on either brand avoidance and/or brand extremism. The outcome of this study may help political parties gain knowledge about the impact of political brand hate. 相似文献
110.
Alexander Katsaitis 《Journal of common market studies》2020,58(5):1342-1351
Do business groups donate to the European Union's (EU) political parties? Does the party's ideology influence the donations it receives? Since 2008, the EU's political parties can receive financial contributions from private actors. This paper systematically maps and analyses the entire population of donations given to EU political parties from 2008 to 2015. The results show that business interests follow a selective strategy targeting with their donations right-wing parties; with Eurosceptic parties performing better than pro-integration parties. Conceptually, this study provides a hard resource for conceptualizing EU lobbying beyond information-access models, and potentially opens a path for comparatives with the US literature. Furthermore, it reveals that some parties have moved away from the public utility paradigm, raising question over donations impact on EU politics and policy-making. Empirically, it provides a unique image of interest group donations to EU parties over time. 相似文献