我国城市公交服务治理模式与运营效率研究——以长三角城市群公交服务为例

城市公交服务运营效率评价是政府选择治理模式的前提与依据,而明晰运营效率与其影响因素间的关系则是政府深化公交治理模式的理论依据。在比较政府经营模式和市场主导模式差异及探讨效率影响因素的基础上,以长三角城市群公交服务为研究样本,应用DEA方法测算城市间服务效率的差异,发现市场主导模式效率要优于政府经营模式,但各自的综合效率、技术效率和规模效率均值都不高。为剖析造成这种现象的原因,对公交服务效率的影响因素进行Tobit回归,结果表明市场竞争、企业规模与运营效率显著正相关,且市场竞争与运营效率间存在"倒U型"关系。因此,我国城市公交服务的改革应坚持市场化为导向,引入民营资本构建公有有限公司形式的国有民营模式,扩大企业规模和充分利用竞争手段,以提高企业运营效率。     

深化完善城区综合管理“大联动”机制的实践与思考

构建城区综合管理“大联动”机制是当前创新社会管理的有益探索和实践,是破解城市综合管理难点,提升城市综合管理能力和应急联动工作水平,促进社会和谐稳定的创新之举。目前,城区综合管理“大联动”机制运作的成效也已逐渐显现。为进一步提高依法管理社会能力,促进社会更加和谐稳定,职能部门应当进一步完善“大联动”工作机制。     

中美关系的变化和朝鲜半岛的和平

中美关系将会全面寻求合作与竞争,但是基于中国的崛起和＂美国霸权＂的衰落,＂合作中冲突＂的局面可能会逐渐形成。通过加强联合与强调多边合作,中美两国在东北亚地区采取的下注战略都向着防止任何一方统治该区域的情况发生转型。除了中美关系的冲突或合作趋势之外,朝鲜半岛也存在卷入＂他者化＂或＂国际化＂的可能性。本文建议无论是韩美联盟还是中韩合作都应遵循独立适用原则,且我们应当探索战略性的普遍原则。     

泰国2010年政治、经济和外交形势

2010年泰国政治、经济和外交形势都有较大程度改善。政治上,政府成功解决了3月至5月的国内政治危机,完成宪法修订,政府威信逐步提高;经济上,克服了政局动荡和自然灾害的消极影响,实现强劲复苏,全年GDP增速达到7.8%,创15年来最快年度经济增速;外交上,进一步深化与中国等大国的双边关系,但与柬埔寨的关系仍未得到彻底改善。     

新加坡2010年经济、政治、外交形势回顾与展望

本文对2010年新加坡国内经济、政治和外交做简单回顾。2010年,在全球经济复苏的良好环境下,新加坡的经济增长创其建国以来历史新高,是全球经济增长最快的国家;政治上,新加坡政府推出一系列措施确保社会稳定,为即将来临的总统和国会大选做好充足准备;在外交上,与马来西亚的关系得到新突破,与中国合作关系向多元发展。此外,本文还对2010年中国国内有关新加坡的学术研究成果进行简单介绍。     

CONSULTANT CONDUCT IN ANTICIPATION OF A CHILD CUSTODY EVALUATION: ETHICAL AND SOCIAL DILEMMAS AND THE NEED FOR NEUTRAL PARENT EDUCATION

Mental health professionals are being retained with increasing frequency as “custody consultants” to prepare a parent for a child custody evaluation. While this practice may serve a legitimate function, no ethical guidelines clearly govern the conduct of a consultant in such circumstances. This lack of guidance has led to professional disagreement regarding the ethical implications of the practice. This ethical ambiguity is accompanied by social concern regarding the high cost of custody consulting, which has the practical effect of denying consulting services to low‐income or self‐represented litigants. This Note will describe the growing practice of custody consulting and the ethical and social unease currently associated with the practice. This Note will then propose that mandatory parent education programs be developed for parents preparing to undergo a custody evaluation. This type of educational program would provide many of the benefits of custody consulting in an ethically neutral fashion and would ensure that all parents have access to the benefits of this growing practice.     

推动贵州磷化工产业升级的思路与对策

文章站在“工业强省”的战略高度,从贵州磷化工产业发展现状人手,侧重分析了贵州磷化工产业发展存在的突出问题．认为推动产业升级是在未来的市场竞争中打造贵州磷化工产业优势地位的关键;然后结合贵州磷化工产业发展实际。提出推动贵州磷化工产业升级的基本思路和相关对策建议。     

兵团模式：新疆兵团增进民族团结职能作用机制

兵团是增进民族团结中流砥柱。基于屯垦戍边的特殊性,兵团形成了边疆区域性、非政府特殊组织实体的增进民族团结职能作用机制,即兵团模式。兵团认同是兵团模式的核心,是实现民族国家认同、社会主义认同的中介。兵团内形成和谐的民族关系,同时推进新疆平等、团结、互助、和谐的社会主义新型民族关系的形成与完善均是兵团模式的实践结果。     

Jean Thiriart in Cairo and Bagdad

ABSTRACT

In the ‘poor’ result achieved by Jean-Marie Le Pen in the 2007 presidential elections, many commentators saw the demise of the Front National. However, when asked by a journalist whether it was the end of her father's political career, Marine Le Pen smilingly replied: ‘I don't think so. In any case, this is the victory of his ideas!’ In this question and answer lies the whole story of the Front National and its impact on mainstream politics in the past two decades. First, Le Pen's defeat was exaggerated, the same way his victory had been in 2002. What Mondon argues in this paper is that the 2002 presidential elections did act as an ‘earthquake’ within French politics. However, this ‘earthquake’ did not trigger a tsunami of support for Jean-Marie Le Pen, but rather a tidal wave of misinformation and misunderstanding as to the real significance of the election results. By concentrating on the 2002 and 2007 presidential elections, Mondon highlights how this reaction led to the consecration of right-wing populist politics, best exemplified in the landslide election of Nicolas Sarkozy in 2007. He also provides an insight into the slippery slope Sarkozy's government took after its election, leading to an extremely rightward-leaning 2012 presidential campaign and new heights for the Front National.     

A War on ‘Risk’? British Government and the National Security Strategy

This article explores the United Kingdom's National Security Strategy (NSS) since 2008, considering what the NSS discloses about how contemporary Whitehall conceptualises ‘risks’ to Britain. It contends that rather than being a strategy in the Clausewitzian sense, the NSS represents a political exercise in risk management. In addressing a range of quite different problems, the NSS suggests that those in Whitehall now conceive their role as being to shield the citizen from any conceivable threat to their safety, wellbeing, and even emotional security. Yet this constitutes a highly expansive vision, and elevates the state's provision of public goods to a potentially unmanageable level.