Women in campaigns 1550–1850 household and homosociality in the Swedish army

The article presents the main results from my study of social conditions in the Swedish Army between 1550 and 1850. The focus is on women's involvement and importance in the military. The most strikingly result is that women for a long time played a more crucial role in the Army than many people are unaware of. As a consequence, the unisexual, masculine, compulsory, military service which existed during most of the 20th century can be treated as an historical parenthesis. Nowadays women are permitted to serve in the military as soldiers, in older times women fulfilled their military duties as soldiers' wives. In a long-time perspective, the military role of women has shifted from wife to professional: the article explores this process. Soldiers on campaigns in the 17th century built households and had families, regardless of wartime or peacetime, and their households were also a natural part of the military, simultaneous with a strong male bonding principle, homosociality. Although conflicts existed between the two principles of organization, household and homosociality, they operated together at any rate until the beginning of the 19th century. The article illustrates how this cooperation worked, but also how the rise and fall of the household system in the military may be explained. Military thought, growth of state authority, a professionalization process and changed cultural norms were crucial. However, I want to emphasize the social practice of gender relations as a promoter of change: how norms and measures connected with marriage affected the military.     

韩国公共外交的主要途径及制约因素

为提高韩国国家形象和国际地位,适应国际外交环境的变化,李明博政府确立了文化外交向公共外交转换的发展战略,并通过各种途径,积极开展公共外交的实践活动,其中有许多值得我们借鉴的经验。但是,近些年韩国与中国民间关系龃龉丛生的现实,却折射了韩国公共外交进一步发展的深层障碍。如何超越障碍是韩国公共外交面临的重要课题。     

Is the Department of Defense Properly Sized and Configured to Meet Future Needs? A Post‐September 11 Perspective,

Abstract

With the events of September 11 still fresh and with the “war” on terrorism in progress, now is the ideal time to discuss the most important single issue in the Department of Defense (DoD)—the mission/budget mismatch. Prior to the September 30, 2001 Quadrennial Defense Review, the stated mission of DoD was to be able “to deter and defeat nearly simultaneous large‐scale, cross‐border aggression in two distant theaters in overlapping time frames, preferably in concert with regional allies.” To accomplish this mission, DoD needed significantly more resources in the order of $50 billion to $100 billion per year. Also to fight and win two major theater wars required that DoD maintain especially large forces, which, with limited resources, could lead to “hollowness” or under funding of certain key force components such as airlift and sealift. While not abandoning the two‐war requirement, the most recent Quadrennial Defense Review took an important step in modifying this requirement by moving toward a “win‐hold‐win” strategy. Although still two war requirements, this new strategy required that we would “win” on one front, “hold” on in a second front, and then shift our forces to the second front after a victory on the first front. Should DoD size its forces around two major theater wars, a “win‐hold‐win” strategy, or around only one major theater war? This article argues for the latter option and thus for a “transformational” force which is smaller than past forces but is a highly mobile, highly trained, and highly equipped military force.     

The continuing relevance of Germany's engine for CEE and the EU

The article looks first into the nature of the relations between Germany and the CEE countries a decade since the accession of the CEE countries to the EU. The relations are characterized as normalised and intensive with diverse levels of closeness and co-operation reflecting of the conceptual and ideological compatibility/differences.Next, the article focuses on the German attitude to the euro zone crisis. Germany has become a hegemon in the rescue effort aimed at stabilisation and economic invigoration of the euro zone. However, German hegemony has developed by default, not by design: her leading position is linked with considerable political and financial costs. Germany moved central stage and took the position of a reluctant hegemon. However, German role is contested internationally (it has not the support of the French government in key areas) as well as internally (particularly by the Federal Constitutional Court and the Bundesbank).The article argues that the new situation makes the German–CEE relations increasingly relevant for both sides. The German leadership of the EU increasing split along the north–south divide requires backing by the Northern group countries to which the CEE in general belongs. Given a number of reasons the CEE countries implement three distinctive strategies of co-operation with Germany in European politics. Also military co-operation, which remained rather limited so far, may receive new impulses, given the financial austerity.     

安倍再度执政后的中日关系展望

2012年12月安倍晋三再度执政后,手中握有改善中日关系的机会,但在日本政治右倾化抬头背景下,其对华政策仍可能受到日本右翼和鹰派的影响。安倍内阁企图通过加强日美同盟,在中国周边开展所谓"价值观外交",构建针对中国的战略格局,在钓鱼岛问题上迫使中方让步。安倍最大政治目标是修改日本宪法,为日本对外使用军事力量铺路。近期在对中国采取强硬立场的同时,也会谋求缓解紧张关系,防止局势失控。若2013年7月自民党在参议院选举中获胜,很可能推动修改日本宪法。中日关系将进入新的历史阶段,前景不容乐观。2013年是《中日和平友好条约》缔结35周年。中日双方信守条约,妥善处理钓鱼岛争议,对未来的中日关系和东亚和平稳定是至关重要的。     

不断深化部队的理想信念教育

深化部队理想信念教育,是部队思想政治建设的核心内容。当前,以党的十八大报告为指导,充分认清部队理想信念教育的与时俱进性质,坚定理想信念,坚守共产党人的精神追求;敏锐把握部队理想信念教育面对的现实难题,用正确的态度和方法去分析各种曲折与困难,解除思想困惑;注重内容与方法创新,确保部队理想信念教育具有实际效果。     

Humanity,military humanism and the new moral order

The post-WWII period has been characterized by an endless process of international humanitarian law-making, aimed at protecting people from their governments. After the collapse of communism, human rights have allegedly transcended their Eurocentrism and have become the first truly universal moral justification for the use of force. This essay explores the meaning and scope of humanity and questions the range of normative resources mobilized in its name. In view of these doubts, it argues that the recent combination of humanism and military force is the outward sign of an emerging moral world order, which is criticized from a number of pragmatic, principled and realist perspectives.     

致公党服务中国特色侨务公共外交的思考

"侨务公共外交"作为中国特色公共外交的重要组成部分,也是一国在国际社会中确定其正当性和认同度的一条重要路径。文章在分析、总结致公党开展中国特色侨务公共外交的优势、特点和存在的困难的基础上,提出了工作的目标任务,并围绕这一目标任务的实现,建议做好统筹规划,积极推动涉侨部门开展中国特色侨务公共外交的协调配合;发挥"侨""海"优势,多渠道拓展致公党服务中国特色侨务公共外交的领域和空间;重视理论研究,积极推动有中国特色侨务公共外交理论体系的建立;创新履职思路,努力推动中国特色侨务公共外交的机制建设和可持续开展。     

中国思想史视野中的军事法研究

军事法学研究需要跨学科的学术视野。中国思想史上虽然没有明确的＂军事法＂概念,但是在中国大一统国家起源和发展中,却有着丰富的关于军事领域法律现象的理论化认识。将这种理论化认识置于历史的实证中加以考察,是探索军事法发生、发展规律性因素的重要途径。由此,进一步对军事法的研究对象和研究方法进行反思。认为：军事法研究包括内缘研究与外缘研究两个方面,内缘研究体现了军事法以＂法＂服务于战斗力生成、追求战争胜利;外缘研究则在探讨军事法结构性因素的基础上,寻求从战争走向和平的法律途径。无论是内缘研究还是外缘研究,都需要引入社会科学的研究方法。     

我国军事司法民主的特点与实践

军事司法民主,是指独立的军事司法机关所进行的适度反映民意的司法活动必须通过体现民主精神的程序进行。军事司法民主具有与国家司法民主相统一、具备现代司法民主的基本内涵和党的领导是加强军事司法民主建设的根本保证的特点。军事司法民主以军事审判独立为基础,军人有权通过有效的途经参与军事司法和有效地监督军事司法,其基本内涵包括：军事司法程序的公开和军事司法程序公开的延伸：听证公开。在我国军事司法民主实践中的表现是：军事审判公开原则的内容和贯彻落实;对军队犯罪嫌疑人、被告人辩护权的保障;军人陪审员制度建设的完善;军事法庭庭审中被告人最后陈述程序的贯彻以及军人监督员制度的建立。加强我国军事司法民主建设,对于完善军事司法理论、健全军事司法制度具有重要的理论和实践意义。