中国气候外交的战略布局

近年来,气候变化问题在国际关系中的地位不断上升,成为影响国际格局走势的一个重要因素,并将引起世界各国外交领域的“气候变革”。当前,应对气候变化已成为中国“领域外交”的一项重要任务。气候外交作为中国整体外交布局的重要组成部分,是中国积极应对气候变化、优化对外战略布局的一项重要举措。认清形势并进行战略布局,积极开展气候外交,促进国民经济健康可持续发展,进一步提升国家形象,更好地履行国际责任,也是中国和平发展战略的一项重要内容。     

The challenge of cyber attack deterrence

National security planners have begun to look beyond reactive, tactical cyber defense to proactive, strategic cyber defense, which may include international military deterrence. The incredible power of nuclear weapons gave birth to deterrence, a military strategy in which the purpose of armies shifted from winning wars to preventing them. Although cyber attacks per se do not compare to a nuclear explosion, they do pose a serious and increasing threat to international security. Real-world examples suggest that cyber warfare will play a lead role in future international conflicts. This article examines the two deterrence strategies available to nation-states (denial and punishment) and their three basic requirements (capability, communication, and credibility) in the light of cyber warfare. It also explores whether the two most challenging aspects of cyber attacks – attribution and asymmetry – will make cyber attack deterrence an impossible task.     

韩国文化外交：路径与启示

韩国文化外交是其软实力的重要来源和体现。韩国文化外交卓有成效,其路径主要有政府、企业和社会组织三个方面。韩国文化外交的启示在于：经济现代化是文化外交的物质保障;政治民主化是文化外交的制度保障;完善的社会建设是文化外交可持续发展的内生力;明确的文化产业政策是文化外交的直接推动力。     

Changes in surveillance of regulatory enforcement progragrammes in Singapore

In recent years Myanmar underwent drastic political changes. While many see these changes as first tentative steps towards democratization, we argue that the current political transformation is not a deliberate process of liberalization, but a survival strategy of the military regime. Using arguments of the ‘new institutionalism’ as a theoretical foundation, this article explores the hypothesis that the high degree of professionalization of the Burmese military creates the incentive to institutionalize power-sharing among the ruling elite. Our empirical analysis finds evidence for both a highly professionalized military and institutions that by securing the military's continuing dominance serve the purpose of institutionalizing military power- sharing. These results imply that further democratization is unlikely as it must be initiated from within the still dominating military itself.     

军事法制概念再析及其体系重建

时至今日,对军事法制概念在军事法学界仍未作出统一、准确的界定。军事法制应定义为调整涉及国家军事利益社会关系的法律制度以及保证其创制、实施的有关法律制度的总和。军事法制体系是由不同层次、不同方面和不同环节的军事法律制度组成的有机整体。     

沙特阿拉伯王国的大国外交战略

沙特王国自建国伊始,为了寻求和维护自身安全,在不同的历史时期,对英、美、中、俄等大国采取了一种与之交好的务实态度。沙特石油的发现和大量开采带来的财富剧增、沙特的特殊宗教地位、哈里发制度的废除和埃及纳塞尔主义的失败,确保了沙特的伊斯兰世界大国和盟主地位。沙特面对海湾这个中东地区的次地区安全复合体中的两伊威胁,联合小国组成海合会,以在海湾次地区形成力量平衡,达到某种程度的均势局面,维护自身的次地区大国地位。沙特在这三个层次分别采用了自由主义、建构主义和现实主义为基础的外交理念,这与其涵盖君主制与瓦哈比主义的国家核心信念、优越的宗教使命感和实用的灵活性行动原则的政治文化不无关系。     

Regional Arrangements as Agents of the UN Security Council: Some African and European Organisations Contrasted

The increased burden placed upon the UN Security Council in the post-Cold War era in respect of its discharge of its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security has fuelled calls for the greater use of regional arrangements as agents of the Council, to relieve its burden. However, the various agendas and capabilities of different arrangements make it difficult to adopt a uniform template of the role which regional arrangements can play as conductors of peace support operations authorised by the Security Council. This article attempts to provide a framework against which the potential role of different arrangements as viable agents to which the Security Council can entrust military enforcement operations, before going on to assess how selected African and European organisations fare against this framework. It will be demonstrated that when assessed against this framework, the organisations selected for comparison are remarkably similar.

马哈蒂尔的外交语言

本文首先讲述马哈蒂尔外交语言的广泛内容,然后分析其特点,接着指出马哈蒂尔外交语言在他整个外交活动中的地位,阐述其理论和现实基础。最后指出,尽管马哈蒂尔的外交语言有其自身的弱点,但总体上是成功的。     

日本战略走向与中日关系前景

进入新世纪,伴随日本政治的右倾化,日本对外战略也发生着深刻的变化。2005年以来小泉内阁加紧推行“右倾化大国路线”,造成日本同中国等亚洲邻国关系更趋恶化。中日关系的改善还需两国付出长期不懈的共同努力。     

Fear,greed, or garage sale? The analysis of military expenditure in East Asia

This paper examines the determinants of military expenditures in eight East Asian countries from 1983 to 1993. In a pooled cross-sectional time-series analysis, it finds that the security threats (either external or internal) have not been a factor in determining the governments' defence burdens. Instead, economic and bureaucratic budgetary factors are better predictors of their defence decision-making. Military corruption and subsidized defence industries are the main domestic elements driving up the budgets; but this bureaucratic 'irrationality' is checked and balanced by economic rationality, for the defence burdens generally correlate with the availability of economic resources.