White Supremacist Activity and Crossburnings in North Carolina

This study examines whether the incidence of crossburnings rises in areas where white supremacist organizations, such as the Christian Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, have held rallies or demonstrations. Using data from two public interest groups, Klanwatch and North Carolinians Against Racial and Religious Violence, we track crossburnings and white supremacist activities in 100 North Carolina counties annually for the period 1987–1993. Various statistical models, including an event count analysis that allows each county to have its own level or reporting bias, indicate that the base rate at which crossburnings occur rises sharply in counties where a demonstration has taken place. Since none of the suspected crossburners has apparent ties to white supremacist groups, it may be that white supremacist rallies encourage fellow travelers to engage in this form of racial intimidation.     

Civil Society,Environmental Security and Knowledge: Forest Governance in Thailand and the Philippines in the Context of ASEAN

In the domain of environmental security, it appears that a strong civil society, one with strong social ingenuity and social capital, is a necessary condition not only for environmental security, but also for regional security in general. This paper will argue that in the context of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), much can be learned from the empirical experiences of Thailand and the Philippines that have established records of accomplishment in civil society participation in forest governance. Also discussed is the possible role of epistemic communities both within these countries as well as across countries in the ASEAN in harnessing institutions of knowledge to influence domestic and regional governance of forest resources.     

“金三角”地区毒品形势系列调查报告（三）——泰国北部地区毒情形势的调查

2006年12月24日至2007年1月4日,国家社科项目"‘金三角’地区毒品对我渗透形势的新变化及应对策略"课题组赴泰国北部地区考察了该地区毒情。据统计,泰国政府近5年来进行的扫毒工作取得了较好效果,毒品交易量呈下降趋势,查获毒品总量也逐年减少。泰国北部地区的毒情对我全面分析研究"金三角"地区毒品的渗透形势有重要参考价值。     

The North Korean abduction issue: emotions,securitisation and the reconstruction of Japanese identity from ‘aggressor’ to ‘victim’ and from ‘pacifist’ to ‘normal’

Abstract

After Kim Jong-il's confession in 2002 that North Korean agents had abducted thirteen Japanese citizens in the 1970s and 1980s, North Korea has become the most detested country in Japan, and the normalisation of bilateral relations has been put on the back burner. The abduction issue has taken precedence in Japan even over North Korea's development of nuclear weapons and long-range missiles. It has also grossly overshadowed the atrocities for which Imperial Japan was responsible in the 20th century. Why has there been such strong emphasis on an issue that could be disregarded as comparatively ‘less important’? This article understands the ascendency of the abduction issue as the epitome of an identity shift under way in Japan – from the identity of a curiously ‘peaceful’ and inherently ‘abnormal’ state, to that of a more ‘normal’ one. The differentiation of North Korea as ‘abnormal’ emphasises Japan's own (claim to) ‘normality’. Indeed, by incarnating the perils of Japan's own ‘pacifist’ ‘abnormality’, which has been so central to the collective sense of Japanese ‘Self’ in the post-war period, the abduction issue has become a very emotional argument for Japan's ‘normalisation’ in security and defence terms. The transformation from ‘abnormal’ to ‘normal’ is further enabled by Japan trading places with North Korea in the discourse, so that Japan is defined as ‘victim’ (rather than former aggressor) and North Korea as ‘aggressor’ (rather than former victim). What is at stake here is the question whether Japan is ‘normalising’ or ‘remilitarising’, and the role of the abduction issue discourse in enabling such foreign and security policy change.     

The European Union in Sudan: A Missed Opportunity?

Abstract

International organisations active in Africa are often criticised for their ineffectiveness. So too is the European Union (EU), which is also accused of failing to assume a more prominent conflict management role in war-torn countries. This article examines the EU’s capacity and readiness to take on such a role in one such country, the former Republic of Sudan, home to Africa’s longest-running civil wars and the first ‘genocide’ of the 21st century. It begins by outlining the EU’s record in Darfur and the North–South Peace Process. Drawing upon 25 interviews and Hill’s ‘capabilities–expectations model’, it then questions whether the EU’s ‘capabilities’ (resources, instruments, unity) were ‘fit for purpose’ in Sudan’s hostile target setting. It concludes by identifying settings that have been more propitious for a conflict-related management function and by suggesting that the EU should better manage expectations about future security roles.     

简析泰国皇家学术院在泰国标准语发展中的作用

泰语是泰国的标准语,泰国皇家学术院作为泰国在语言规划和语言政策方面最具权威性的官方研究机构,对泰语的发展起了重要作用,其地位相当于法国的法兰西学院和西班牙的塞万提斯学院。本文主要从泰语标准的规范、新词汇的认定、泰语的宣传和保护以及对国家语言政策的制定提供依据等方面简要分析泰国皇家学术院对泰语的发展所起的作用。     

地神信仰与泰国的国王崇拜--泰国国王崇拜的民俗学解读

泰国人民对国王的崇拜源自于泰国的原始地神崇拜,而外来婆罗门教与佛教思想的渗透及其最终与本土原始信仰的融合,则进一步巩固了人民对国王的崇拜。     

"Nukes for Sale Cheap?" Purchasing Peace with North Korea

What impact can economic incentives have on difficult international security problems, such as nuclear proliferation? This article first discusses theories of the effectiveness of incentives. It then examines the case of the 1994 Agreed Framework accord between the United States and North Korea. It argues that, despite cheating by Pyongyang, the American effort to use incentives in this case was on balance more successful than many now believe, especially in view of the bleak alternatives. If incentives can have an impact in such a "least likely" case, there is reason to believe they could be helpful in resolving other cases of proliferation.     

朝鲜国外科技引进现状及其发展趋势

进入20世纪90年代末期,朝鲜对作为经济发展的助推器和起关键作用的科学技术政策的调整格外重视,先后出台了一系列促进科技发展的新政策,其中突出强调扩大同国外科技合作和引进先进技术对经济发展的重要性,使朝鲜在同国外科技合作方面发展较快。今后,朝鲜对外科技合作政策应是趋向较开放型的,重点是引进符合经济发展和利于提高整体科技水平的先进技术。