The continuing relevance of Germany's engine for CEE and the EU

The article looks first into the nature of the relations between Germany and the CEE countries a decade since the accession of the CEE countries to the EU. The relations are characterized as normalised and intensive with diverse levels of closeness and co-operation reflecting of the conceptual and ideological compatibility/differences.Next, the article focuses on the German attitude to the euro zone crisis. Germany has become a hegemon in the rescue effort aimed at stabilisation and economic invigoration of the euro zone. However, German hegemony has developed by default, not by design: her leading position is linked with considerable political and financial costs. Germany moved central stage and took the position of a reluctant hegemon. However, German role is contested internationally (it has not the support of the French government in key areas) as well as internally (particularly by the Federal Constitutional Court and the Bundesbank).The article argues that the new situation makes the German–CEE relations increasingly relevant for both sides. The German leadership of the EU increasing split along the north–south divide requires backing by the Northern group countries to which the CEE in general belongs. Given a number of reasons the CEE countries implement three distinctive strategies of co-operation with Germany in European politics. Also military co-operation, which remained rather limited so far, may receive new impulses, given the financial austerity.     

Rejecting refugees in illiberal Poland: The response from civil society

ABSTRACT

Since 2015, the European Union and its members have been responding to the increased arrivals of migrants and refugees at Europe’s southern shores. The states and societies of East and Central Europe are rarely discussed in this context. Even though their governments support the overall EU policy objectives in the area of freedom, security and justice, they vocally refused to participate in EU ‘burden sharing’. In this way these countries earned the label of uniquely xenophobic. This article seeks to complicate this perception by highlighting how civil society in Poland responded to the right-wing Polish government’s anti-refugee stance. Through the lens of Aronoff and Kubik’s concept of Legal Transparent Civil Society (LTCS) the author examine the evolving relationship between the ruling Law and Justice party and civil society organizations, proposing that activities for the benefit of refugees offer an insight into the transformation of civil society in the emerging illiberal political system.     

Applying the 16 Y-chromosome STRs in the population of central Poland

Haplotype and allele frequencies for the panel of 16 Y-chromosome STR loci, namely DYS19, DYS385, DYS389I, DYS389II, DYS390, DYS391, DYS392, DYS393, DYS437, DYS438, DYS439, DYS448, DYS456, DYS458, DYS635 and Y GATA-H4 were determined in a population sample of 200 unrelated males from the central region of Poland. The 191 different haplotypes were identified, of which 182 haplotypes were unique and 9 were duplicated. None of observed haplotypes appears more than twice in the investigated population. The haplotype discrimination capacity was 0.955, and combined gene diversity was 0.9999. The analysed set of 16 Y-STRs is very useful in forensic practise to identify males and trace paternal lineages.     

Re-centralizing subsidiarity: Interpretations by the Italian Constitutional Court

Subsidiarity has become one of the key principles of European Union law since its introduction in the Treaty of Maastricht, but in recent years other federal or decentralized systems have cemented this principle into their constitutions: one example is Italy, where subsidiarity was encapsulated in art. 118 of the constitution as amended in 2001. This article surveys some of the contributions coming from Italian constitutionalism and adds to the debate on subsidiarity, especially with regards to the stimulating, yet controversial, interpretation of the principle offered by the Italian constitutional court, which permeated it with a “centralist” essence. The article explores how subsidiarity is construed beyond EU law and argues that, while revealing all the elasticity of this principle, the interpretation offered by the Italian constitutional judges presents some risky consequences.     

Analysis of forensically used autosomal short tandem repeat markers in Polish and neighboring populations

The purpose of this study was to evaluate the homogeneity of Polish populations with respect to STRs chosen as core markers of the Polish Forensic National DNA Intelligence Database, and to provide reference allele frequencies and to explore the genetic interrelationship between Poland and neighboring countries. The allele frequency distribution of 10 STRs included in the SGMplus kit was analyzed among 2176 unrelated individuals from 6 regional Polish populations and among 4321 individuals from Germany (three samples), Austria, The Netherlands, Sweden, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Belarus, Ukraine and the Russian Federation (six samples). The statistical approach consisted of AMOVA, calculation of pairwise Rst values and analysis by multidimensional scaling. We found homogeneity of present day Poland and consistent differences between Polish and German populations which contrasted with relative similarities between Russian and German populations. These discrepancies between genetic and geographic distances were confirmed by analysis of an independent data set on Y chromosome STRs. Migrations of Goths, Viking influences, German settlements in the region of Volga river and/or forced population resettlements and other events related to World War II are the historic events which might have caused these finding.     

Does Socio-Economic Development Go Hand-in-Hand With Coutry＇s Institutional Quality？ The Case of Poland

The reviewed theories and worldwide empirical studies suggest that institutions affect economic growth and development, and vice versa. There is, however, little research examining the association of institutions with nations＇ socio-economic well-being in the post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe. This research fulfills this gap by exploring empirically institutional determinants of Poland＇s development over the period 1990-2011. The study relies on the concept of institutional matrix proposed by the New Institutional Economics. The purpose is to check the relationship between several indicators of economic and sustainable development （per capita Gross Domestic Product, Gini coefficients, Genuine Savings, the Happy Planet Index, and the Global Competitiveness Index） and institutional measures （the Worldwide Governance Indicators, the Economic Freedom of the World Index, Contract-intensive Money ratio）. To quantify those interrelations, correlation and regression analysis are used. The data are from Eurostat, the World Bank, National Bank of Poland, the Fraser Institute, the World Economic Forum, and the New Economic Foundation. The hypothesis is that the better institutions in Poland are associated with higher levels of economic growth and development. The findings provide less, than expected, evidence of strong linear relationship between the quality of institutional matrix and national development indicators in Poland.     

The foster family in Poland,a custodial and educational environment (XX – the early XXI centuries)

ABSTRACT

A thorough study of the sources made it possible to conduct a retrospective analysis as well as outline normative and legal principles of the foster family in Poland as one of the main forms of child custody in the XX – early XXI centuries rooted in national traditions and social legacy. Foster family formation and early functioning indicate that its value depends on who is entrusted with a child to care for, what child is to be placed in foster care, what kind of support a foster family could expect, what control is exercised over it. The second half of the XX – the early XXI centuries mark the evolution of the legal and regulatory framework underlying foster care, one of the main institutional forms of child custody in Poland. It appears that the foster family provides a child with proper living conditions and a favourable environment for its education and socialisation, closest possible to those in a natural family. To this end, the state is to make sure that potential foster parents are properly trained. The development of foster care speeds up in the 1970’s and 1990’s. We have discovered that at the turn of the century, foster family functioning, provision of care and adequate conditions for a child’s development and upbringing etc. are defined by the social policy of the state. Of great significance for the international community is the Polish experience regarding the requirements for foster family candidates, children’s placement in such families, material assistance, foster parent salary calculations; the amount of money biological parents must pay for their child’s placement in a foster family. In modern Poland the foster family is an important social institution which promotes the development of a child deprived of parental care and is prioritized over other institutional forms of care.     

Nationalist discourse and the ultra-conservative press in contemporary Poland: a case study of Nasz Dziennik

After the democratic transition to post-Communist Poland, ultraconservative groups found themselves legitimately able to propagate a nationalist ideology. They focused on an idea of ‘national identity’ that clearly and restrictively defined the boundaries of the national community. In the late 1990s a far-right movement supported by a radical faction of the Roman Catholic Church gained wide public support and, eventually, political legitimization. The fears of those for whom the transition of the socio-economic system did not bring a change for the better have been exploited by activists and institutions that consistently point to various foreign ‘threats’ (external and internal) against Poland’s political and economic independence and against national integrity. Starnawski analyses forms of anti-pluralist backlash as strategies undertaken by the ultra-conservative media. Provided is a case study of Nasz Dziennik, one of the major Polish newspapers to disseminate a far-right discourse that combines a concept of ‘national identity’ with radical Catholicism. Such nationalistoriented media use rhetoric that claims to be representative of the dominant group, and attempt to provide the audience with a restrictive sense of identity that is based on the construction of elements that are considered foreign and threatening to a sense of nationhood, a mobilization of the audience against foreign ‘threats’, and the exclusion or marginalization of elements depicted as incongruous with collective identity, especially the cultures of national and ethnic minorities (both ‘native’ minorities and recent immigrants), minority religions and alternative cultures, as well as liberal advocates of diversity. Since Polish society is in large part culturally homogeneous, its members are more often exposed to stereotyped images of minority groups than they are to face-to-face contact with members of minorities. Therefore, Starnawski argues, exploring the contemporary nationalist discourse in ‘pluralizing’ societies such as Poland is no less essential for the diagnosis of anti-democratic obstacles than studying the actual conditions of minority groups themselves. The future of social and cultural pluralism in Poland heavily depends on the majority’s awareness of diversity and its ability to promote attitudes of openness to and understanding of cultural differences on the one hand, and a readiness to extend the notion of ‘Polishness’ to a wide range of cultural and social categories on the other.