从国际法看中美关系中的台湾问题

台湾问题是中美关系中十分敏感的重要问题 ,回顾台湾问题形成的历史 ,从国际法的角度对台湾问题进行法理分析 ,说明美国对中国内政干涉的不合法性 ,由此也可看出国际法在当前国际政治中的重要性和局限性。     

美国政治中的人民币升值问题

人民币升值自2003年2月以来成为国内外的热点问题,其原因与其说是经济的,不如说是政治的.本文从美国政治角度探讨了人民币升值问题是如何变成一个问题以及该问题的实质.     

论日本战后皇国史观和军国史观的回潮

日本战败投降后,美国为了把日本拉进西方集团的营垒,对昭和天皇不予起诉,并通过旧金山条约对日本彻底“松绑”,一大批负有战争责任的政客、官僚、财阀要员重新钻进政坛,战时的“皇国史观”和“军国史观”等货色开始回潮。随着冷战的深化,日本在追随西方积极反共、反社会主义阵营的同时,不断变换手法,朝着政治、军事大国化的目标迈进。发展到今天,日本陆海空自卫队公然联合开进战区,和平宪法被彻底架空,日本总理再三再四地连续参拜靖国神社,日本的动向引起亚洲人民的警觉和不安。     

The interplay between formal and informal institutions in Turkey: the case of the Fethullah Gülen community

Supporters of the Fethullah Gülen community, an informal institution with an influential role in Turkish political life, have formed an international chain of schools and student dormitories, and a communications web that includes newspapers, journals, television and radio channels, as well as other companies and finance institutions. Although the community has no formal structure, its followers have established these formal institutions to integrate it into formal systems like education and the economy. This paper focuses on the community's educational organizations to argue that, since the community has preferred to pursue its goals within Turkey's existing formal framework, rather than by challenging it or breaking its rules, it can be defined as an accommodating informal institution rather than complementary, competing or substitutive.     

Networked and Polycentric Governance in South Korea: The Case of Dam Politics after Devolution

The South Korean intergovernmental environment has undergone drastic changes after the reintroduction of local autonomy in 1995. This study investigates how and why the governance has changed in terms of its structure and processes after devolution using the case of dam politics in South Korea. It also addresses the accountability implications of the changed governance. This study analyses two cases of dam construction initiative, which are the Youngwol dam project (1990–2000) and the Hantangang dam project (1998–2004). The analysis of these cases reveals that the governance structure concerning water resource supply has changed from a form of policy community, which can be characterized by its closed membership and stability in relationships, to a form of issue network, where the membership is enlarged to include various participants. More specifically, there are three important findings. First, the cancellation of the Youngwol dam project served as the moment to establish and empower a network of opposition against dam building, which had long been advocated and led by the policy community comprising the Ministry of Construction and Transportation, Korea Water Resources Corporation, engineering experts, and some private companies related to dam construction. Second, as the central government plans to build 12 more dams including Hantangang dam, the network of opposition tends to be further vitalized with heated participation from local activists, some water resource management experts, and environmental activists. Third, as the pro-dam policy community and the network of opposition initiate dialogue among themselves, they are forming an issue network which works as a governance mechanism in the area of water resource supply management.     

Conversationalism,constitutional economics,and bicameralism strategies for political reform in Hong Kong

Hong Kong has at long last regained the economic momentum lost in the wake of the Asian financial crisis and the collapse of the local property market. However, political friction and uncertainty have escalated rather than subsided, because of deep‐rooted divisions over the pace of democratic reform. There are no simple remedies for the constitutional deadlock that has emerged. Nevertheless, it might be possible to improve the overall political climate and both the form and substance of the dialog regarding fundamental institutional reform by borrowing some ideas from constitutional economics.     

The Toxic Politics of Bangladesh: A Bipolar Competitive Neopatrimonial State?

In order to understand the structural dimensions of the problems concerning democratic governance in Bangladesh, this article seeks to explicate whether or not Bangladesh is a neopatrimonial state. This article examines contemporary Bangladesh politics with a particular focus on the notion of neopatrimonialism and with special reference to the personalization of state power. The concept of neopatrimonialism has great utility in explaining leadership behaviour in a dysfunctional democracy such as Bangladesh, where personalized exchanges, exploitation of bureaucratic and state mechanisms and political scandals are common. I argue that Bangladesh is a special variant of the neopatrimonial state, which I suggest to be bipolar neopatrimonialism. I contend that since independence, successive governments and political leaders always attempt to monopolize state power in various ways. The patron-client society of Bangladesh helps political leaders to personalize the state power they possess. To monopolize state power, the political elites of Bangladesh create networks and alliances, relying on exchanges to meet their objectives. In this regard, state elites use elements of the state and political system to mediate these exchanges.     

Co-opting Good Governance Reform: The Rise of a Not-so-Reformist Leader in Kebumen,Central Java

Challenging the existing literature, which tends to downplay the impact of good governance reform in post-Suharto Indonesia, the article suggests that greater intervention by international donors, combined with the process of decentralisation, has influenced the dynamics of political competition at the local level. It suggests that the increasing availability of international aid has provided local elites with an option to engage in a new form of patronage politics that relies less on old instruments, such as money politics and violence. By selectively committing themselves to good governance reform, Indonesian local elites can now seek a new source of power in the form of support from international donors, with which they can raise their profiles as ‘reformists’ and consolidate power, only to engage in familiar, if less blatant, forms of patronage politics. The article highlights such a dimension of local politics with reference to the case of Kebumen's former regent, Rustriningsih.     

Populism in Taiwan: The Rise of a Populist-Democratic Culture in a Democratising Society

Taiwan's democratic transition has emerged alongside a rise of populism. Based on an analysis of post-electoral survey data, it is shown that populist resentments – embodied in such emotion-laden campaign issues as ethnic identity, national identity and a party's image of interest representation and clean politics – have been the most efficient vote-getting appeals in Taiwan's post-authoritarian electoral competition between two major political parties, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and the nationalist Kuomintang (KMT). In Taiwan's democratic transition, mass demands for the ‘indigenisation’ of politics and the people's worry about an ever-increasing military threat from Mainland China have also popularised as well as polarised these populist appeals. As empirical data show, due to its position as the first Taiwanese party with a lion's share of populist advantages, the DPP was able to win the 2000 and 2004 presidential elections. In sum, Taiwan's electoral politics in the past decade have given rise to a kind of ‘populist-democratic culture’, which inclines Taiwanese politicians to bring up populist issues rather than the rational policy debates of an electoral democracy.     

‘It’s Not Like Never-the-Twain-Shall-Meet’: Politician–Staff Relationship Structures in Local Government

Local governments have two primary components: elected representatives and employed staff. The relationship between these two groups has significant impacts on local authority operation. Two key theoretical models used to characterise these relations, the well-established Politics/Administration Dichotomy and the recently conceived Complementarity Model, are employed here to explore relationships in New Zealand councils. Results show varying views regarding whether the separation of staff and elected representatives (councillors) is based on their respective roles or inputs. A role-based separation emphasises distinct ‘realms’, with elected representatives controlling policy making and staff controlling the implementation of policy. This approach supports a hegemonic relationship and embodies the Politics/Administration Dichotomy. On the other hand, an input-based separation emphasises the issues that each group should focus on, with councillors integrating community desires and staff contributing their technical expertise. The latter lends itself to interactive processes and is consistent with the Complementarity Model. Neither input nor role-based relationships are inherently superior; various empirical factors influence the suitability of each. This suggests that it is advantageous to have multiple theoretical models accounting for alternative local government relationship structures, but future research is needed to clarify the ‘best’ options for different contexts.