试论现代战争中武装冲突法的具体法律运用

武装冲突法运用得当与否,关系到在战争或武装冲突中能否处于主动地位,从而直接影响战争进程的顺利发展。研究武装冲突法的具体法律运用,对于我军应对当前国际形势下可能出现的各种冲突具有重要的现实意义。     

抗战前后新启蒙思潮的“中国化”转向及运行困境

受特殊运行环境的激发,新启蒙思潮开启了由“西化”向“中国化”的转型尝试。然而,思想启蒙的实现程度,总是取决于它满足该国家需要的程度。由于对民族文化特别是儒家传统救国意义的过分迷恋和畸形阐发,新启蒙思潮没能形成对中国国情的全面把握,其“中国化”话语出现了批判意识与保守情结、“济天下”与“善其身”、文化包容与权威整合、民族觉醒与个性解放等关系的调处困境,最终在继承与超越、传统与现代等一系列博弈斗争中,左右摇摆、顾此失彼,没能形成对中国化进程的系统推动。当前,“中国化”话语的建构应在马克思主义的指导下,依托民众主体力量,着眼于现实实践的主题变化,充分激发社会主义制度优势,才能超越对旧传统的过分纠葛,开拓出更为广阔的创新前景。     

Challenging Bipolarity: The Socialist International and the ‘Chilean Democratic Cause’ during the Cold War

This article analyses, the Socialist International's (SI) new international positioning strategies from a transnational perspective, through its relationship with the Chilean cause in the context of the Cold War détente. Focus will be placed on the SI's strong commitment to the Chilean democratic cause after the coup and its sustained activism during the military regime. Drawing from primary sources in various international archives, this article's main goal is to shed light on the SI's positioning regarding Latin America as a way to challenge the bipolar order.     

Anti-Japanese War and the Formation of the Anti-Japanese War Region in Southeast China

After the Lugou Bridge Incident, the Chinese nation began the whole nation's war of resistance against Japan. In the south, the Shanghai battle opened a prelude to the war of resistance in Southeast China. Through repeated battles in the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River, along the southeast coast and YueHan railway line, Japanese troops not only occupied Shanghai, Wuhan and Guangzhou, the three most developed cities in southern China, thus taking control of both sides of the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River, but also captured ports off the Chinese southeast coast, thus taking control of China's long coastline. Accompanied with the military situation changes, four provincial party and government institutions of Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Fujian and Guangdong successively moved in to the foothills of either side of the Wuyi Mountain and to the mountain area of Nine Mountains, thus the southeast region of the war of resistance against Japan gradually being formed, composed of the Kuomintang controlled area of Fujian, Guangdong, Jiangxi, Zhejiang, Anhui and adjoining areas. From a national perspective, the southeast region of the war of resistance against Japan was located at the front line of China's war of resistance against Japanese aggression. It was not only significantly different from the rear of the war, but also different from anti-Japanese base areas behind enemy lines. But from the inside , it was both in the frontline and had its own rear and hinterland. This region of resistance against Japan deserves in-depth academic research and discussion as a whole.     

“非虚构写作”在网络舆情事件中的情感动员功能与表达逻辑

社交媒体时代,舆论生态的“后真相时代”特征日益鲜明,情感与信念成为网络舆情事件的主要动力。“非虚构写作”作为将纪实报道与文学创作结合起来的写作手法,在网络舆情事件中发挥着强大的情感动员功能。通过将悲情叙事、身份标签、戏谑表达等传统的网络情感动员表达逻辑与“文史合一”、忧患意识等“非虚构写作”本土概念巧妙嫁接,“非虚构写作”引发了一系列重大网络舆情事件,呈现出社会学观察、原型叙事、文化冲突三种表达逻辑。“非虚构写作”在舆情表达、舆论监督、社会观察等方面发挥着积极作用。同时,带有深刻情感色彩的“非虚构写作”也蕴含着网络民粹主义、网络暴力、网络虚假信息等诸多风险因素。如何实现“非虚构写作”批判与建设、解构与建构、破与立等方面的平衡,这为互联网生态建设提出了新的内容和新的问题。     

The 1972 Memorandum to the United Nations and its repercussions: Émigré politics and Soviet Estonian dissent during the ‘era of stagnation’

The Estonian dissidents’ Memorandum to the United Nations, drafted as a call for national self-determination in 1972, set new standards for the émigré community’s campaigns. Although its political message was initially dismissed as utopian, the subsequently emerging cooperation between émigré and homeland activists via intricate courier networks significantly strengthened the authority of Estonian voices in the West. By the early 1980s, the political alliances across the Iron Curtain eventually bore fruit. The Memorandum’s core demands reappeared in political debates on Baltic issues on both sides of the Atlantic, foreshadowing the massive Western support for the Baltic cause during the Singing Revolutions.     

Civil Society Perspectives on Humanitarian Intervention

This article explores the multiple roles played by civil society actors in relation to policy debates relating to whether to advocate or oppose humanitarian intervention under a variety of specific circumstances or in general. There is no consistent civil society viewpoint, but rather a range of disagreements relating to whether there exists a genuine imminent threat of humanitarian catastrophe, whether the political will exists to intervene in a manner that protects a threatened population, and whether a reliance on force for humanitarian ends should ever be supported in the absence of a mandate from the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). Most civil society voices prefer to assess each case on its own rather than to be for or against humanitarian intervention as a general proposition. A consensus would look favourably upon humanitarian intervention endorsed by the UNSC. The problems arise where such an endorsement is not obtainable. The NATO War of 1999 to safeguard the endangered Albanian population of Kosovo illustrates the positive case for humanitarian intervention as there appeared to be an imminent threat and there existed a sufficient political will to make it seem likely that an intervention could attain its goals. The absence of support from the UNSC in this instance was offset by the participation by the UN after the fact in the work of economic and political reconstruction, although the precedent set by this use of non-defensive force has kept the Kosovo undertaking controversial. In contrast to Kosovo, civil society actors throughout the world generally rejected the claimed humanitarian justifications for the Iraq War. At this time civil society is split on the question as to whether ever to encourage humanitarian intervention undertaken absent a green light in advance from the UN.     

抗日战争时期日本强掳劳工民间诉讼的困境与突破

2007年4月27日,日本最高法院做出＂根据中日联合声明中国国民的请求权已经被放弃＂的判决,使得二战受难者在日民间战争赔偿诉讼陷入僵局。此种境遇下＂和解＂成为战后遗留问题工作者寻求突破的无奈选择。安野和解正是在此背景下达成。虽然和解取得了如企业承认强掳劳工的历史事实、表示谢罪、经济赔偿等一些成果,但受日本政府态度的影响,和解只能存在于受难者与企业间,就必然使得和解带有不彻底性,这也恰恰成为和解饱受争议的根源。彻底解决这一问题的方法在于以诉讼推动战争赔偿立法,以实现日本政府与企业两个层面上承认强掳华工法律责任基础上的全面解决,诉讼的根本目标及意义也在于此。     

日俄战争与《满洲日日新闻》的创刊

日俄战争为日本在东北实施舆论操纵、殖民文化、经济统治创造了机遇、提供了土壤。《满洲日日新闻》的创刊吹起了日本向东北实施殖民统治的舆论号角,将日本对东北的殖民文化渗透在舆论宣传上推向了极致。战争的胜利为该报赖以生存的环境注入了活力,为其长期的发展、存续提供了坚实的保障。加快加大日本在该地区舆论导向步伐的同时,也加快了东北沦为殖民地的进程,更为日后日本对东北实施武力入侵、经济掠夺赢得话语权并提供了坚实的理论基础和声援保障。