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441.
印度与第一次印度支那战争 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
第一次印度支那战争的爆发及政治解决,对印度外交来说是一次严峻的挑战,同时也是印度提升国际地位的一次难得机遇。印度出于反对殖民主义、和平共处、不结盟等因素的考虑,不断调整其印度支那政策,从中立的"不干涉"政策,进而逐渐转变为积极的调停政策。印度发挥在日内瓦会议上了独特的作用。研究这一案例,有助于加深我们对印度外交特点的认识。 相似文献
442.
1937-1945年的日本侵华战争阻碍了中国城市近代化的历程。在中国经济重心的宁沪地区,城市工商经济发生了前所未有的重大变化。由于日寇的侵略和掠夺,该地区城市经济环境趋于恶化。而中国民族工商资本家则于夹缝中求生存,充分利用一切机会和空间寻求发展,形成了日军侵华的不完全毁灭性,为抗战胜利后中国经济的复苏创造了条件。 相似文献
443.
Mike Bowker 《Central Asian Survey》2011,30(2):197-211
This article considers Western, and most particularly American, policy towards Tbilisi in the Russo-Georgian war of August 2008. The article does not accept the view of Russian leaders that the United States actively promoted the Georgian attack on South Ossetia. It does, however, argue that Washington's alliance with Georgia was sufficiently close to make President Saakashvili believe he would receive American support in the event of war with Russia. The war, however, was not in America's interest since it threatened its position in the South Caucasus and provided Russia with an opportunity to re-emphasize its growing power in the world. 相似文献
444.
明治维新以来日本因其奉行的扩张政策给亚洲各国人民带来了深重的灾难,历史问题一直是困扰日本外交的难题。而唯独印日关系因两国特殊的历史渊源而几乎不受历史问题影响,一直平稳发展。尤其近年来两国随着经济的发展都处心积虑想获得与其经济实力相符合的国际地位,共同的目标使得两国迅速接近。从地缘政治的角度看,我们必须对日印两国的历史渊源及其现实影响给予高度的关注。 相似文献
445.
陈映霞 《天水行政学院学报》2011,12(6):16-20
协商民主是20世纪后期民主理论的转向,它意味着政治共同体中自由平等的公民通过反思、对话、辩论等,就涉及公共利益的政策达成共识,从而赋予立法和决策以合法性。中国共产党在抗战时期领导的"三三制"政权是协商民主在中国的一种实践雏形,为我们今天的协商民主实践提供了有益的借鉴和思考。 相似文献
446.
冷战后,随着两极格局的解体,东北亚地区多种矛盾和问题复杂交织,构成了中国地缘安全环境上非常重要而又相对脆弱的一个环节。学界对于东北亚地区的安全问题从多个角度进行了比较深入的研究,对现有的研究情况作一梳理,以期对促进该问题的研究能够有所裨益。 相似文献
447.
During George Bush's presidency the Cold War drew to a close and his administration triumphed in the Gulf War. Some viewed these events as a harbinger of a new world order. Basking in the success of the Gulf War, Bush's approval ratings soared, and prominent Democrats reconsidered challenging him in 1992. Foreign policy themes might have seemed a natural emphasis in campaign rhetoric. Yet, on the eve of the election, Bush abandoned efforts to rally the public with such appeals. This article identifies primary metaphorical themes employed by Bush to define foreign policy reality. Bush's rhetoric was fundamentally ordered by the orientational metaphor of war. Other themes reinforced central premises of the war metaphor and reflected enduring premises of American exceptional ism. However, critical constraints blunted Bush's rhetorical intentions, and perhaps nullified constraints presidents traditionally have harnessed to define rhetorical situations to fit a preferred world view. A disjuncture between rhetorical expectations and intentions beset the administration as the 1992 election approached. The electorate turned an anxious gaze to domestic politics and the condition of the economy. Furthermore, the war metaphor met a public demonstrably leery of U.S. meddling in the internal politics of other countries. Preference for the war metaphor, finally, represented a significant challenge to the political identity of Bush and the Republican Party. 相似文献
448.
Ernest D. Giglio 《政治交往》2013,30(3):231-255
Abstract This article is concerned with the conflict between the news media's position that the public has a ‘'right to know'’ under the free press provision of the First Amendment and the right to privacy under the tort law. The constitutional issue is raised whenever the media print or broadcast accurate, but often embarrassing, facts about a person, or whenever personal information is publicized which an individual prefers not to share with the general public. In unwanted publicity and public disclosure cases, the courts have accorded greater weight to the defendant defenses of consent, news‐worthiness, and media privilege than to the plaintiff's invasion of privacy claim. To remedy this inequity, a two‐tier judicial model is proposed that would have courts balance the two competing interests in such a manner as to enhance individual privacy without diminishing the informational function of the news media. 相似文献
449.
In late June 1941, Nazi Germany stormed the borders of the Soviet Union, occupying the three Baltic republics within weeks. By the end of 1941, a significant proportion of the Jewish population had been murdered by German forces and local collaborators. In the days before full Nazi occupation of the territory, Latvia’s Jews confronted the question of whether to flee into the Russian interior or stay in their communities. History shows that this would be a critical choice. Testimonies and memoirs of Jewish survivors illuminate the competing motivations to leave or to remain. This article highlights the key factors that figured into these calculations and the interaction between individual agency and structural opportunities and obstacles in determining where Latvia’s Jews were when Holocaust in their homeland began. 相似文献
450.
1964~1973年,关韩双方在越南进行了近十年的军事合作。美韩在越南军事合作的实现,是彼此国家战略利益重合的结果。两国军事合作的阶段性特征与双方战略利益重合的程度密切相关。约翰逊政府时期,在越南战争问题上,关韩双方的国家战略利益重合度较大,双方军事合作比较默契。随着尼克松政府东亚战略转变,美韩战略利益的分歧扩大,双方的军事合作便很快终结。美韩双方在越南的军事合作也对韩国自身的发展、双边的同盟关系和美国的对韩政策产生了相应的影响。 相似文献