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441.
Eric Keels 《国际相互影响》2018,44(1):33-58
One of the most common features found within peace agreements is provisions that call for post-civil war elections. Unfortunately, the initial post-war elections often increase the risk of civil war recurrence. While past research has consistently confirmed this finding, it focuses only on one element of the democracy. Rather than focusing solely on elections, this article examines the laws surrounding the electoral process. Specifically, I examine how changes in electoral laws that are called for in peace agreements impacts the risk of renewed civil war. Building on research that examines the context of post-civil war elections, I argue that reforms to electoral laws that precede the initial post-war election substantially reduce the risks associated with that election. This proposition is supported with evidence from survival models of peace failures following the establishment of comprehensive peace agreements from 1989 to 2010, demonstrating that electoral reforms reduce the risk of civil war recurrence. 相似文献
442.
443.
Slaus M Strinović D Pećina-Slaus N Brkić H Balicević D Petrovecki V Pećina TC 《Forensic science international》2007,171(1):37-43
From 1996 to the present, the remains of 61 individuals killed during the 1991 War in Croatia were recovered from both dried out and functioning wells. Positive identification was established in 60.7% or 37/61 cases. Remains recovered from the same geographical region but from non-well settings were identified in 77.4% or 1256/1623 cases. The purpose of this paper is to report on the taphonomic, demographic and trauma characteristics of remains recovered from wells and identify factors responsible for the discrepancy in the identification ratios. The age and sex distributions in the well and non-well series were similar, as were the frequencies of recovered personal documents, jewelry and other artifacts. The taphonomic features of the remains were, however, significantly different. Preservation of remains was considerably better in non-well settings (1400/1623 or 86.3% compared to 40/61 or 65.5% in wells). Congruently, commingling of remains was more frequent in wells (26/61 or 42.6% compared to 77/1623 or 4.7% in non-well settings). In bodies recovered from non-well settings the preservation, state and commingling of the remains were strongly correlated with positive identification. None of these features were correlated with the identification of bodies from wells. Instead, identification of remains from wells was significantly affected by the presence or absence of water in the well. As both series have similar frequencies, and identical rankings of identification factors, the reason for the discrepancy in the identification ratios lies in the fact that by themselves, these factors were rarely sufficient for positive identification. In both series the majority of identifications (51.4% in the well, and 58.1% in the non-well series) were established through a combination of biological and non-biological features. The significantly lower identification ratio in the well series resulted from the difficult recovery conditions in wells with significant amounts of water, and the negative effect that water had on the preservation of clothing, personal artifacts and some dental features. Significant differences were also noted in the types and locations of perimortem traumas. There is a significantly higher frequency of entrance gunshot wounds to the back of the head, suggestive of execution style murders, in the well series. 相似文献
444.
冷战后马美关系的发展变化 总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1
冷战后马美关系的发展主要经历三个阶段:一是1997年金融危机爆发前,马来西亚围绕着区域经济开放与自由化等问题与美国较量,两国关系日趋紧张;二是金融危机爆发后,马来西亚和美国政要围绕危机爆发原因、是否接受IMF援助,特别是围绕“安瓦尔事件”展开了激烈的交锋,两国关系降到冰点;三是布什总统上台后,特别是“9·11事件”后两国在反恐问题上有所合作,关系逐渐缓和。冷战后马来西亚对美国的态度以及马美关系的发展变化,是马来西亚对当时美国亚太政策的做出的反应,马哈蒂尔本人的外交风格使这种反应更为激烈,但并不是马美关系发展变化的决定因素。 相似文献
445.
Mariana Perry 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2023,42(4):514-525
This article analyses, the Socialist International's (SI) new international positioning strategies from a transnational perspective, through its relationship with the Chilean cause in the context of the Cold War détente. Focus will be placed on the SI's strong commitment to the Chilean democratic cause after the coup and its sustained activism during the military regime. Drawing from primary sources in various international archives, this article's main goal is to shed light on the SI's positioning regarding Latin America as a way to challenge the bipolar order. 相似文献
446.
447.
《Journal of Civil Society》2013,9(1):3-14
This article explores the multiple roles played by civil society actors in relation to policy debates relating to whether to advocate or oppose humanitarian intervention under a variety of specific circumstances or in general. There is no consistent civil society viewpoint, but rather a range of disagreements relating to whether there exists a genuine imminent threat of humanitarian catastrophe, whether the political will exists to intervene in a manner that protects a threatened population, and whether a reliance on force for humanitarian ends should ever be supported in the absence of a mandate from the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). Most civil society voices prefer to assess each case on its own rather than to be for or against humanitarian intervention as a general proposition. A consensus would look favourably upon humanitarian intervention endorsed by the UNSC. The problems arise where such an endorsement is not obtainable. The NATO War of 1999 to safeguard the endangered Albanian population of Kosovo illustrates the positive case for humanitarian intervention as there appeared to be an imminent threat and there existed a sufficient political will to make it seem likely that an intervention could attain its goals. The absence of support from the UNSC in this instance was offset by the participation by the UN after the fact in the work of economic and political reconstruction, although the precedent set by this use of non-defensive force has kept the Kosovo undertaking controversial. In contrast to Kosovo, civil society actors throughout the world generally rejected the claimed humanitarian justifications for the Iraq War. At this time civil society is split on the question as to whether ever to encourage humanitarian intervention undertaken absent a green light in advance from the UN. 相似文献
448.
鸦片战争是中国近代史的开端,开启了中国的近代化进程。对鸦片战争的研究一直是学术界研究的重要领域之一。不忘惨痛历史,才能走向伟大复兴。文章拟从政治、经济、思想文化和社会生活四个方面简单综述鸦片战争对中国的影响。 相似文献
449.
秦砖整理 《天津市工会管理干部学院学报》2014,(1):42-44
天津解放初期,天津总工会在市委、市政府支持下,接连开展了救济失业工人、创建工人新村、建立工人疗养院、开设工人文化宫、推动实施《劳动保险条例》等工作,从而赢得了广大职工的普遍赞誉和由衷拥护。这种一心一意为职工办实事的作风,无论什么时候都应大力发扬。 相似文献
450.
解放战争时期是中国共产党最终确立执政地位的重要时期和关键阶段,解放战争这一特殊历史时期政治生态的变化演进,充分证明了中国共产党是历史的选择和人民的选择这一科学论断。 相似文献