抗日战争时期民主党派发祥在重庆的成因探析

中国抗日战争胜利的关键就在于建立和发展了抗日民族统一战线.抗战时期国统区民主运动的显著特点就是爱国民主人士由分散到自发聚会再到成立组织,共同对敌.中共统一战线政策的感召和南方局领导人的统战工作,促成了民主党派组织的建立.这不仅为抗战的胜利作出了重要贡献,也为中共领导的多党合作奠定了基础,留下了启迪.     

对建构公安执法岗位核心能力教学训练模式的思考与探索

面向公安实战,深化教学改革,提升训练质量,体现公安特色,是当前公安院校实现办学制度和教学模式创新的必然选择。在这种时代背景下,上海公安高等专科学校积极创新办学制度,首创第二专科教育,从而带动了教学模式的创新,构建了公安执法岗位核心能力教学训练模式,广泛应用于第二专科教育和新警初任培训中,对提升上海公安教育训练工作水平及提高上海公安民警队伍的执法能力起到了积极的推动作用。     

The Response of Chinese Intellectuals to the US War on Terror

Studying the Chinese intellectual response to the US War on Terror, and how the battle between the Chinese liberals and nonliberals fitted into the above debate, the article focuses on two cases, 9-11 and the war in Iraq. Each will be divided into the expressive response (i.e., how the intellectuals reacted physically); the ideological response (i.e., how they interpreted the incidents in ideologically); and the strategic response (i.e., how they proposed the right strategies for the party-state to manage global affairs). After studying the cases, we should discover how the Chinese intellectuals used nationalist rhetoric to disguise their real disagreements, i.e., their views on domestic politics as well as to advance their own national importance. Simon Shen is Research Assistant Professor in the Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies of the Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK). Dr. Shen is author or editor of Redefining Nationalism in Modern China: Sino–American Relations and the Emergence of Chinese Public Opinions in the 21st Century, Chinese Response to Anti-terrorism, Non-state Actors and Foreign Affairs of the Greater China Region (with Joseph Cheng). His articles have appeared in the East Asia, Journal of Comparative Asian Development, Pacific Review, Politics, Asian Perspective, and Journal of East Asian History. Research for this article was partially funded by a grant from the South China Program, Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies, Chinese University of Hong Kong. The author thanks Dr. Rana Mitter of the University of Oxford and anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments on the earlier drafts of this article.     

From Blair to Brown: The Condition of British Government

Peter Hennessy examines the conduct of central government since 1997, especially Cabinet processes during the build-up to the Iraq war of 2003. He discusses the degree to which both Blair and Brown over the past months have appeared to run against aspects of the governing style of the administrations they have jointly dominated. He assesses what Gordon Brown's floated idea of a written constitution might mean in practical terms and makes a particular case for a War Powers Act.     

Changing Horses in Wartime? The 2004 Presidential Election

The literature makes clear that foreign policy affects voting, but it does not lead to clear expectations as to how a war will affect voting. Will views about the advisability of the war predominate? Or will the indirect effect through the incumbent’s image be more important? Will a war crowd out other potential issues, particularly domestic ones? This paper addresses these questions through a series of focused analyses of NES survey data. We find that an increase in strong Republican partisans clinched the election for President Bush. The Iraq War was not a direct vote gainer for the President, but the larger War on Terrorism burnished his image as a leader, at least long enough to win the election. Likewise, the cultural war allowed President Bush to retain some of the votes that he might otherwise have lost due to the unpopularity of the Iraq War.     

抗战时期全球化视野下的中国国际地位

中国抗日战争是世界反法西斯战争的重要组成部分,它为中国确立大国地位提供了历史的契机。尽管战时中国成为世界四大国之一,但它只是“理论上”的大国,并未真正享有与之相称的国际地位。     

抗日战争时期毛泽东群众观的成熟和完善

只有人民才是创造世界历史的动力,战争的伟力之最深厚的根源存在于民众之中,共产党员无论何时何地都应把民族的和人民群众的利益放在第一位,密切联系群众的作风是共产党区别于其他政党的显著标志之一,统一战线是战胜敌人的重要法宝,从群众中来、到群众中去等重要思想,是抗日战争时期毛泽东的主要群众观。认真总结、深刻认识和努力把握抗日战争时期毛泽东的群众观,不仅具有重要的历史意义,而且对于今天巩固党的执政地位、实现党的执政使命具有重要的现实指导意义。     

艾森豪威尔政府的对华禁运政策

艾森豪威尔政府时期,美国对华政策为全面遏制思想所主导,因此,在欧洲盟国废除“巴统”管制体系中的“中国差别”的情况下,美国依然单独坚持对华禁运政策。     

论“后后冷战时代”

自20世纪以来,国际政治经历了"帝国主义时代"、"冷战时代"和"后冷战时代"."9·11"事件后,世界进入"后后冷战时代"."后后冷战时代"具有包括大国冲突"退场"、多极世界形成、世界多样化和全球治理成为国际政治主题等特点.     

Neville Chamberlain and Strategic Relations with the US During his Chancellorship

The standard appreciation of Neville Chamberlain's attitude towards the United States and its relationship to Britain's strategic position in the interwar most often begins its analysis with his becoming Prime Minister in 1937. Those works make it appear as if the man never considered what the strategic worth of the United States was until that moment. This article argues that to do so misses the vital influences and the legacy of Chamberlain's important formative years as Chancellor of the Exchequer. It was in that role, and in particular during the confrontational era of negotiations concerning war debts in the period between 1932 and 1934, that his perceptions of the worth of the United States were influenced greatly. This article hopes to redirect future studies of Chamberlain's strategic thinking toward the idea of looking at the formulation of that strategic thinking in a more comprehensive fashion.