The Importance of Blind Forensic Odontology Analyses

Forensic odontology cases examined from 2012 to 2019 at the Defense POW/MIA Accounting Agency (DPAA) laboratory were reviewed. Five cases from World War II and the Korea War were selected. Three of the cases presented involve dental assemblages, which were built by previous analysts. Postmortem radiographic analyses at the DPAA laboratory of these cases were complicated by the use of an older version of a digital x-ray program and the assumption that teeth placed in the parent bone (maxilla and mandible) did not fully articulate due to the presence of debris at their root apices. Conflicting mitochondrial DNA test results for the submitted teeth and previously believed to be parent bone indicated these elements were not from the same individual. The remaining two cases are examples of how knowledge of findings from other disciplines may sway an opinion and could possibly lead to the rendering of erroneous opinions by the forensic odontologist. Having knowledge of previous examinations or results from other scientists, disciplines, and lines of evidence may lead to a bias in findings or opinions. If not careful, even the best-intended scientist may fall victim to a bias in their opinion/analysis. The forensic odontologist should perform all analysis in the blind, not knowing any information which may bias their opinion, and utilize current versions of digital x-ray software available and their tools when performing their examinations.     

Two post-war paths: popular violence in the Bohemian lands and in Austria in the aftermath of World War I

The study explores the phenomenon of popular violence in the first months and years after the end of World War I on the basis of a comparison between the Bohemian lands, forming the central part of the newly established Czechoslovakia, and Austria, as another successor state to the former Habsburg monarchy. Aside from the continuities, new forms of violence increasingly emerged in the first years after the end of the war, and also the “language” of violence was transformed. While in Czechoslovakia, the framework within which people were learning to understand the new world was shaped by the national and republican discourse oriented to the future, in Austria the collective identities and mentalities were being formed along the lines of particular party political blocks. In both cases, the nationalization and politicization of violence respectively contributed to the emergence of new forms of popular violence; but at the same time they could also be used for its de-escalation, necessary for the re-integration of society disrupted by the wartime experience. However, even if both countries went out from the war on different paths, the violence stayed part of their political culture and it could be mobilized again.     

Amerikanische Außenpolitik im Zeichen des „Krieges gegen den Terror“

The review article systematizes the current academic debate on U. S. foreign policy after 9/11. The main focus lies on different explanations of the causes and consequences of the “war on terror”. Such a problem-oriented approach mirrors the heterogeneity of the debate which cannot adequately be captured by the conventional categories of IR research and foreign policy analysis. It is fair to say that the analysis of U. S. foreign policy as a case of empirical investigation profits from this disciplinary emancipation.     

冷和平:解读俄罗斯与西方的关系

冷战虽然结束,但大国竞争(或冲突)的现实却依旧。在1994年12月于布达佩斯举行的欧安组织首脑会议上,鲍里斯·叶利钦总统曾发出警告:如果西方企图通过不断地威胁重新发动冷战的方式来打压俄罗斯,不让其追求自身"正常"的大国利益,那么这将有直接导致"冷和平"出现的危险。他的警告表现出惊人的先见之明。冷战不对称地结束了(可以简单地理解为赢家和输家必然的逻辑,而非共同的努力),但冷战冲突的模式却以新的形式继续着。无论是上世纪90年代叶利钦总统统治时期还是21世纪普京总统治下,均未出现一个稳定、包容的冷战后国际体系。叶利钦和普京都试图将俄罗斯融入国际经济体系以及扩大的安全体系中,但冷战被超越的方式却为未来的冲突种下了祸根。时至今日,这种冲突仍在挑战着奥巴马和梅德韦杰夫的领导。     

再论中国抗日战争是十四年

20世纪 30至 40年代发生的中国抗日战争 ,应是 14年而非 8年。日本对中国大规模的侵略战争 ,是从 1931年 9月 18日发动沈阳事变、侵占中国东北就开始的。与此相应 ,中国军民也从那时就开始了反抗日本侵略的军事斗争与救亡运动。从1931年“九一八”事变到 1937年“七七”事变这 6年局部抗战 ,与此后 8年的全面抗战 ,共同构成了中国人民伟大的抗日战争史     

抗战时期章乃器经济思想经世性探微——一位非学院派经济学家的学术取向

抗战爆发后,章乃器对经济问题关注的重点因为战争经济体制的确立与战前有了明显的变化,他兼具经济学家和政治家的身份得以突显。他在抗日期间能更充分地将政治与技术结合在一起。这一时期其经济思想主要体现在下列三个方面：一、显具民本特色的财政思想;二、以充实国力为归宿的战时金融思想;三、以民生主义为导向的工业发展思想。他的思想历程突出了非经院派的爱国人士的意识形态上的政治性取向。章乃器没有明确指责抗战时期国民政府的经济政策和财政金融政策,但是,他的民为邦本的传统性的政治追求却彰显无疑。     

中共对抗战总体战略的影响和战争中的地位

本文论述了抗日战争时期,国共两党抗战战略的形成以及战略实施过程中的作用和相互关系,由此考察两党在战争中的地位,特别是对中共及其军队在抗战第二阶段以后的中流砥柱突出作用从新的角度提出了看法。     

中华和谐精神的形成原因、特征及在抗日民族解放战争中的作用

和谐是中华民族民族精神和文化传统的核心内容,对中国的历史发展起了重要的作用。抗日民族解放战争的胜利是中华民族团结抗战、一致对外的和谐精神的胜利,从逼蒋抗日到淞沪和福建抗战、察哈尔抗战、桂林抗战文化城的形成,充分体现了和谐团结在抗战中的作用。抗战胜利的历史经验对今天构建社会主义和谐社会提供了诸多启迪。     

中国抗日战争为世界反法西斯战争作出了特殊贡献

中国是坚决打击绥靖主义的旗手;中国是直接促进世界反法西斯统一战线逐步形成的旗手;中国抗日战争对日本法西斯陆军主力的牵制和消耗保证了盟国“先欧后亚”军事总体战略的顺利实施,支援和配合了前苏联的卫国战争和美国在太平洋战场的对日作战;中国抗日战场是世界反法西斯战争中开辟的第一个主战场,是打败日本法西斯的主力军和决定性力量;由于中国抗日战争所发挥的巨大作用,中国被推举为反法西斯的四大国之一和联合国五大常任理事国之一。     

“80后”的诗歌创作及其历史境遇的文化阐释

从“80后”的诗歌文本入手，结合其历史境遇进行阐释。在文学层面：切入当代，追求诗的时代活力的写作向度；在美学层面：继续沉溺于后现代，用个人化了的“反崇高”和“冷抒情”呈现其审美趣味；在生命学层面：通过体验主体生命与客观世界的关联，唤醒自我的本真和精神的自明；在社会学层面：恐惧和希望的折叠，构成了一种存在的自卫机制。