社团活动与大学生个性培养

高等学校培养人才的最佳模式是因材施教 ,即根据大学生各自不同的个性特点开展教学。第二课堂活动是大学校园文化的重要组成部分 ,其中学生社团活动由于其特有的条件 ,有利于大学生的个性培养。     

Influence of People Diplomacy on Development of Women＇s Organizations

本文以改革开放时期妇女组织的民间外交为切入点,通过回顾妇女组织参与民间外交的过程,探讨妇女组织如何通过参与民间外交获得发展的契机、资源和空间。文章认为,随着妇女组织的发展,妇女组织民间外交的参与主体和形式呈现出多元化的特点,在此过程中,妇女组织在组织理念、资金来源、能力建设、议题拓展等方面产生了重要变化。     

农村基层组织人员职务犯罪法律适用及解决路径

查处农村基层组织人员职务犯罪遇到的问题较多,立法解释划分“村务”与“公务”,不符合查处案件的实际,导致出现案件管辖矛盾;立法解释未将村民小组长和村会计、出纳列为执行公务的主体,未规定农村基层组织人员可成为渎职罪主体,这些问题的存在,不利于对农村基层组织人员职务犯罪的打击。为解决农村基层组织人员职务犯罪法律适用问题,应修改或者取消“2000立法解释”,无须划分“村务”与“公务”,否则,就应赋予检察机关以相对宽泛的机动侦查权,将村民小组长、村会计、出纳归入立法解释中所指的“农村基层组织人员”,规定农村基层组织人员也可成为渎职罪的主体。     

《四川省重庆共产主义组织的报告》再研究

一份《四川省重庆共产主义组织的报告》,向人们展示了一个隐秘的事实：马克思主义在四川省重庆的早期传播,无论是规模还是深度,都比人们以往了解的范围要大、要深刻。以往人们更多地重视北京、上海、广州这些地区,很难想象在中国西南部、内陆地区的四川省重庆地区,马克思主义传播和影响所达到的程度。深入研究《四川省重庆共产主义组织的报告》,并对若干相关问题进行解读,有利于推动这段历史和这个专题的深化研究,有利于更深刻地认识马克思主义中国化的历史必然,认识中国共产党在马克思主义的指导下创立发展和壮大的历史必然。     

服务社会与政党的社会化——基层党组织群众工作的逻辑定位

党的建设与社会建设的协调发展,必须依靠党的基层组织,充分开发基层党组织的内在社会功能。根据政党与社会关系的基本原理,基层党组织功能开发的立足体系就是党的群众工作体系。党的群众工作体系,是政党直接与社会发生联系的工作平台和实践载体。从内在的理论逻辑来看,党的群众工作就是政党扎根于社会,政党作用于社会,其本质是政党回归于社会。政党回归社会的核心就是要确立政党全面服务社会的政治逻辑和行动策略,政党正是在领导社会和服务社会的有机互动中实现自身的社会化。     

Policy Advice from Outsiders: The Challenges of Policy Co-construction

The nature of policy work in nongovernment organizations (NGOs) is important consideration when understanding policy co-construction. Based on the results from a Canadian web-based survey of policy workers across five fields across three provinces, a multi-regression structural equation model suggests how NGO policy work can contribute to a greater collaboration on key policy issues and greater policy interaction between societal organizations and government agencies. The frequency of formal and informal invitations by governments played an important role in terms of the overall levels of interaction and stakeholder input. Networking activity was found to be important when addressing consultative-related issues, but only with NGO networks or their clients. Involvement in the early stages of policy development by the NGO policy workers did not lead to greater engagement with government officials, which may be a potential problem when their advice is sought after.     

Delegating divisible sovereignty: Sweeping a conceptual minefield

Delegating sovereignty to international organizations (IOs) is both increasingly common and controversial. I address the sources of current controversies in three claims. First, although alleged otherwise, sovereignty is eminently divisible. From practice, indivisibility should not be a barrier to delegating to IOs. Second, it is intuitive that longer chains of delegation will be more likely to fail. Yet, it is not the length of the chain per se that matters as whether identifiable conditions for successful delegation are satisfied. Third, although “delegation” is often used to refer to both, delegating and pooling sovereignty are distinct activities. Much of the concern with IOs is really about pooling rather than delegating sovereignty.

Exit, voice, and loyalty in international organizations: US involvement in the League of Nations

Recent challenges to traditional international relations theory have questioned the nature of international organizations (IOs) as agents of powerful state-members and have examined various conduits through which non-state actors can voice their concerns. Yet little work has focused on participation in IOs when a powerful state’s official position contradicts the goals of actors within it. This article examines the archival record of American involvement in the League of Nations’ economic section to explore such a circumstance. I correct the prevailing historical view of American isolationism in the interwar period and argue that participation by advanced, industrial democracies can better be understood as combinations of exit, voice, and loyalty on the part of individual components of state and civil societies.

Urban governance and multilateral aid organizations: The case of informal water supply systems

This paper explores the different urban governance models proposed by multilateral aid organizations in accessing water through informal supply systems, to assess the rationale and the guiding principles at the basis of their different ‘governance approaches’. There can be no doubt that most developing countries are now experiencing a rapid and unprecedented urban growth, which is bringing about a rising demand for urban services, especially those concerning water supply. To cope with this pressing issue, the response of multilateral aid organizations—such as the World Bank, UN-HABITAT and the European Union––has been represented by the design and implementation of different urban governance and management systems, called to support an equitable and efficient access to urban water supply services. This paper focuses on the different urban governance approaches through which multilateral donors support informal networks and small scale providers to provide water supply in cities of developing countries. It highlights how these different urban governance approaches address the overall issues of poverty reduction whilst in reality, in certain cases, they also aim to affect and regulate domestic public policies of Third World countries. In particular, it argues that the governance model proposed––and imposed––by the World Bank continues to belong to a neo-liberal policy agenda, which considers water and urban services as commodities to be managed through widespread competition and market mechanisms. On the contrary, UN-HABITAT, and the European Union to a certain extent, highlight the need for an urban governance system that promotes the ownership of development strategies by local communities and that rests on the principles of inclusiveness and equity.

地方各级人民法院宪法地位的规范分析

我国地方各级人民法院均由宪法规范直接创设并具有宪法机关地位,这在比较法中是个特例.作为宪法设定的“国家的审判机关”,地方各级人民法院是非地方、非中央的法律性机关,它与最高人民法院一起构成了行使审判权的整体,而不像各级国家权力机关和各级国家行政机关那样在纵向上划分各自的事权.宪法第3条第4款规定的中央和地方国家机构职权划分的原则,即“在中央的统一领导下,充分发挥地方的主动性、积极性”,主要是针对国家权力机关和行政机关的要求,并不适用于人民法院.审判权一体性是基本原则,而审判组织地方性只是具体制度,二者之间的冲突应当也只能通过限缩后者得到解决.