工会工作与构建和谐企业

全面落实科学发展观,构建和谐社会,是建设具有中国特色社会主义的重大问题。工会作为党联系职工群众的桥梁和纽带,义不容辞地肩负着协调企业与职工多方面利益关系的重任。因此,工会组织要充分发挥在构建和谐企业中的作用。     

Brexit,the Belfast Agreement and Northern Ireland: Imperilling a Fragile Political Bargain

The major impact of the Belfast Agreement was to engineer a peaceful coexistence between nationalism and unionism that involved each bloc recognising it had sufficient power to thwart the political ambitions of the other side, but not enough to push through its own agenda. This paper argues that Brexit seriously damages this peaceful coexistence and could trigger what is termed an Ulster war of attrition in which Northern Ireland becomes entrapped in a political stalemate where each side strives to triumph without having sufficient power to do so. It also argues that to restore internal political stability in Northern Ireland, and to indemnify against the risk of disorderly relationships between the British and Irish governments in the future, the strategic importance of Strand 3 of the Belfast Agreement requires strengthening.     

How interest groups influence public opinion: Arguments matter more than the sources

Through what mechanism do interest groups shape public opinion on concrete policies? In this article, three hypotheses are proposed that distinguish between the effect of the arguments conveyed by interest groups and the effect of interest groups as source cues. Two survey experiments on the proposed Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TIPP) and the 2015 Paris Agreement on climate change allow the testing of these hypotheses. The resulting evidence from several countries shows that, with respect to interest groups’ attempts at shaping public opinion, arguments matter more than their sources. This is so even when accounting for people's trust in the interest groups that serve as source cues and for people's level of information about a policy. The finding that interest groups affect public opinion via arguments rather than as source cues has implications for the literature on elite influence on public opinion and the normative evaluation of interest group activities.     

台湾加入WTO《政府采购协议》的背景、动机与影响

加入＂政府采购协议＂（GPA）是台湾继加入WTO之后在扩大国际经济空间上的又一重大收获。这一举措的动机并非为获得GPA所带来的政府采购市场机会,而更多是出于扩大国际参与度的考虑。这也决定了其谈判过程多次波折。从谈判结果来看,加入GPA对台湾本身的经济和贸易发展影响不大,但对两岸关系以及祖国大陆加入GPA谈判却有一定的潜在影响。     

反不正当竞争法“权利”与“利益”双重客体保护新论

"权利一元保护"与"利益一元保护"是学界对反不正当竞争法(反法)保护客体的一般概括,且建基于反法"利益一元保护"通说之上的知识产权法往往具有适用上的优先性。但是,从反法的历史血统、利益与权利的转化程式以及现行反法的规范实践来看,利益与权利双重保护更符合反法的客观实际:在历史演化层面,反法虽从民法中分离,但本质上却承继了传统民法中权利与利益双重保护的血统;在转化程式上,反法伴随着"利益—法益—应然权利—法定权利"的转化路径而形成一种"随动关系",既为这一"过程利益"提供保护,又将作为"转化节点"的具体"法益"和"权利"以实定法的方式确立下来;在规范实践方面,作为法益保护的经营者利益以及社会公共利益、作为应然权利的商誉权、作为从应然权利向法定权利成功转型的商业秘密权,以及作为法定权利的消费者知情权等客体均得到了反法的实际承认。在双重客体保护论的基础上,反法中的诸多疑难问题均可获得进一步释明。     

价值视角的转变与正义模式的演绎——评美国1998年《ADR 法》

经过联邦法院对 ADR 的十几年的探索实验,美国国会最终通过了1998年《ADR 法》,为 ADR 措施的开展发放了“绿卡”。该法要求所有的美国联邦法院实施“当事人服务型”的 ADR 措施,并允许法院强制当事人参加 ADR 程序。联邦法院 ADR 部门要想成功有效的实施该法,对各种 ADR 措施进行选择,以使其与现有的法院体系相兼容,同时为当事人提供便利,首先要协调好 ADR 措施所内涵的正义模式与一直引导着法院的传统的判决型的正义模式的关系。     

大数据时代日本个人信息保护法探究

个人信息本来是极其隐私的事物,在大数据时代却时刻处于"裸奔"状态,时刻面临被侵犯的风险。特别在新冠肺炎疫情防控中,大数据技术发挥了重要作用,个人信息保护再次引起关注。整体而言,日本个人信息保护法以"个人优先"与"公共优先"的宗旨博弈为出发点,以"个人信息"的概念界定为基础,以个人信息权的保护为核心,以个人信息保护机构的独立设置为落脚点,为个人信息的保护奠定了基础。我国应当积极行动起来,尽快颁布《个人信息保护法》,助力大数据时代个人信息保护和数字经济的发展。     

格式条款的法价值机理与规制新思路——兼评新《消费者权益保护法》第26条

格式条款因其有助于交易的迅捷而被广泛应用于各种消费领域,但其亦日益沦为经营者侵害消费者利益的工具,并愈演愈烈。因此,此次《消费者权益保护法》着重从防范格式条款滥用的角度对其进行修缮。但是,如果深入剖析格式条款制度所蕴涵的效率与公平法价值及两者间的运行机理,则会发现此次防范和规制格式条款的修改思路依然是旧有规整思路,难以取得法律修改的预期效果。合理而正确的规整思路应当是,区分不同消费领域对公平与效率价值的强弱需求,然后在遵循不同法价值机理的基础上配置相称的规制手段。     

再论《奉俄协定》

《奉俄协定》是苏联政府为了落实其在《中苏协定》中关于共管中东铁路权益,与以张作霖为首的奉系集团所签订的协定.该协定的签署不仅开了苏联与中国地方当局订立协约的先河,同时对中苏关系乃至整个远东地区形势的发展产生了重大影响.奉直两个军阀集团之间的关系走向直接影响了奉苏交涉谈判进度和《奉俄协定》的签署,但该协定作为主权国与地方当局签订的协约有违于国际法的规定.     

Trade Measures and Climate Compliance: Institutional Interplay Between WTO and the Marrakesh Accords

This article examines the potential of trade measures to induce more climate-friendly policies, focusing on the relationship between global trade rules and the Kyoto climate regime. At the core of this interplay is the normative consistency of trade-related rules in the two regimes and any hierarchical relationship between them. The stronger clout of the WTO and its compulsory dispute settlement system suggest that issues involving competing claims would be referred to WTO bodies. Such bodies have so far been restrictive regarding the exceptions in WTO agreements to the general ban on embargoes and discrimination. The normative compatibility of the two regimes will also depend on their participatory interplay, specifically how they differentiate groups of actors as to rights and obligations. Non-members of WTO receive the least protection, and their vulnerability to climate-related trade measures is largely determined by their interdependence with states that consider employment of such measures. Among WTO members, the findings of a dispute settlement body would presumably differ depending on the status of the target under the Kyoto Protocol. A non-complier with Kyoto commitments would be more shielded than a non-party, because by joining the Kyoto regime a non-complier has exposed itself to regime-internal and less trade intrusive measures that should be exhausted first. A third dimension of interplay is linkage, or efforts to influence the regime interplay. To date there has only been moderate cross-agency coordination, but considerable attention is paid within each regime, including in the Millennium Round of trade negotiations, to the desirability of avoiding conflict between them.