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41.
经济全球化背景下中美关系的纷争不可能回避货币汇率制度。近年来在人民币汇率制度改革过程中,中美两国政府的多重多次博弈,展现出中美关系中合作与冲突的鲜明特征。只有理性地分析中美两国间的利益与分歧,才能在有限的冲突中达成合作。  相似文献   
42.
王楠  徐占春 《桂海论丛》2010,26(5):112-115
美国的社会保障制度发挥了保护器、安全阀和调节器的作用,并且成为现代美国资本主义制度重要的有机组成部分。但是,它却面临着财政危机、工作伦理危机和家庭危机等困境,随着人口结构的老龄化,老年危机也成为与之相关的重大社会问题,需要加以关注和调整。  相似文献   
43.
常染色体小卫星基因座D16S309(MS205)位于16p13.3(AE006466)[1],核心序列为45~54bp,重复次数8~87次[2]。D2S44(YNH24)基因座位于2q21.3-q22(AJ001534)[3],核心序列为31bp。本文采用MVR-PCR技术,选择重复单位3′侧翼区引物(公共引物)和MVR特异性引物匹配进行PCR扩增,对中国河北汉族人群2个基因座遗传多态性进行了调查。1材料与方法1.1样本及DNA提取116份枸橼酸钠抗凝血样由河北省血液中心提供,采自无血缘关系汉族健康个体。常规饱和酚-氯仿法提取DNA。1.2MVR-PCRD16S309引物序列参见文献[2,4]。反应体系为25μl,分别加入5μl…  相似文献   
44.
While the use of racial appeals by the 2016 Trump campaign is indisputable, researchers are actively debating their precise role in influencing voter behavior in the election. We seek to expand upon existing research which finds that racial animus electorally benefited the Trump campaign. We examine to what extent those benefits also materialized for GOP candidates down-ballot and whether racial animus distorted ideological proximity voting in the 2016 election. We find that racial animus among voters helped Republicans at multiple ballot levels and that higher levels of racial animus distorted spatial voting among voters ideologically closest to the Democratic candidate.  相似文献   
45.
运用列宁关于帝国主义的思想来剖析今天的美国霸权,仍然具有重要的理论意义和实践价值.战后美国霸权的经济实质是美元霸权.美元霸权推动美国经济日益加深其寄生性和腐朽性.美国维系美元霸权,追求垄断利润的目的,日益推动其成为21世纪全球战争的最大策源地,并将最终导致美国的衰落.  相似文献   
46.
Barthélémy et al. (2014), extending the work of Neubauer and Zeitlin (2003), show that some U.S. presidential elections are subject to a ‘House size effect’ in that the winner of the election, i.e., the candidate who wins a majority of electoral votes, depends on the size of the House of Representatives. The conditions for the effect relate to the number of ‘Senate’ versus ‘House’ electoral votes won by each candidate, but the relationship is not straightforward due to ‘locally chaotic’ effects in the apportionment of House seats among the states as House size changes. Clearly a Presidential election that is subject to the House size effect exhibits the referendum paradox, i.e., the electoral vote winner is the popular vote loser, for some House sizes but not for others.  相似文献   
47.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(1):111-139
Unlike previous studies on political risk and foreign direct investment (FDI) that used macro-level FDI data to test micro-level theories, I make use of aggregate data on U.S. firms' investment activities in 101 developing countries during the period 1997–2007 to reassess the propositions. Using a multilevel mixed-effects linear instrumental variable approach, I find that lower political risk is associated with (a) an increase in U.S. firms with equity stake of 51% and above, (b) a higher proportion of fixed assets, and (c) an increase in the return on investments, after controlling for a host of relevant factors. Further analysis reveals the relationship is also strong with respect to investments in total assets and sales. The results are robust to alternative data, instruments, and estimation techniques. These results bring to fore the multiple risk hedging strategies available for foreign firms operating in high risk environments.  相似文献   
48.
基于B/S教学管理系统的开发与研究   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
文章在对教学质量评价方法进行综合研究并广泛征求专家意见的基础上,利用层次分析法和数理统计法,提出了建立学生评估教师教学质量水平的指标体系,并在此基础上开发了适合高职院校特色的基于Browser/Server结构的学生网上评教系统,为实现教学管理的自动化、数字化、网络化,进行了有益的探索。  相似文献   
49.
1898年占领菲律宾后,美国即对菲律宾群岛的鸦片问题采取限制乃至最终禁止的政策,这与美国在19世纪中期以来积极参与亚洲鸦片贸易的态度大相径庭,这种反差令人深思,但如果从美国推行的“门户开放”政策的角度去理解,则一切都在情理之中。  相似文献   
50.
The call for court reform remains critical in the face of the growing complexity of burgeoning family law cases nationwide. Many states have restructured their court systems using the unified family court model, resolving legal, personal, emotional, and social disputes with the aim of improving the well‐being of families and children. Other states utilize the traditional approach, resulting in cases being handled in a fragmented, time‐consuming and expensive manner. In this article, Professor Barbara A. Babb presents the results of her nationwide survey regarding how each state handles family law matters. The survey is a follow‐up to her comprehensive 1998 survey and her 2002 survey update. The results of the recent analysis reveal that a total of thirty‐eight states now have either statewide family courts, family courts in selected areas of the state, or pilot or planned family courts, representing seventy‐five percent of states. The number of states without a specialized or separate system to handle family law matters has decreased from seventeen states in 1998 to thirteen in 2006. These changes are significant when one considers the complexities involved in court reform. The need for court reform remains an urgent one, as family law cases occupy a significant percentage of court dockets across the country. Families and children deserve a court system where justice is effective and efficient and where their legal, personal, emotional, and social needs are resolved in a therapeutic and holistic manner.  相似文献   
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