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161.
作为南海争端的“局外人”,泰国反对南海问题复杂化和扩大化,反对南海问题影响中国—东盟整体关系的发展,希望争端各方能够和平解决争端。同时,自2012年开始接替越南成为中国—东盟关系协调国后,泰国在南海问题是否应该东盟化问题上开始“走钢丝”。泰国对南海争端的态度与其国家利益密不可分。总体来看,泰国对南海问题的态度有利于南海局势的和平与稳定,有利于争端国家之间危机管控能力的提升。但是,泰国追求东盟在南海问题上形成共同立场以与中国开展集团式谈判的态度和行为会加剧南海争端东盟化。展望未来,泰国对南海问题的态度将会在保持一定的延续性的基础上追求在中国与东盟之间的平衡。 相似文献
162.
李元乔 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2015,(1):13-20
叙事伦理是由人类叙事本能产生的复杂而又无处不在的问题.叙事伦理既涉及到审美感受,又涉及到审美评价.由于其复杂且不纯粹的文本现象,以叙事伦理张力来比喻便于使审美感受具象化,同时为审美评价提供一个标准.张爱玲的小说复杂而又特殊,可以将其作为方法,根据叙事性作品的伦理交流结构理论,分析和解读张爱玲的小说,从而探究叙事伦理与审美感知及评价问题. 相似文献
163.
“良性非均衡发展”与江苏“江海联动”开发 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
“江海联动”以江苏沿江、沿海为基本发展轴线,以“联动”发展为途径,以资源整合、产业互动、布局拓展为基本手段,在行政区联动、经济带联动、开发战略联动等方面,实现江苏区域经济的“良性非均衡”发展。 相似文献
164.
气候变化及其一系列影响使得南海周边部分国家的海岸线倒退,岛礁面临被淹没的威胁,这将会使沿海国的领海、毗连区、专属经济区等海域的范围改变。南海海域已存在海洋权益矛盾和海权争端,加之气候变化这一变量因素,局势将会更为复杂与严峻。“21世纪海上丝绸之路”建设是我国与南海周边国家建立共同发展战略的新举措,在这一新形势下,我国应加强与南海周边国家合作应对气候变化,逐步实现共赢。本文将阐述气候变化对南海海域及周边国家的影响,梳理该区域国家应对气候变化的合作进程,分析目前存在的问题并提出相关建议。 相似文献
165.
《Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies》2017,4(2):362-375
Recent world developments pose a direct challenge to the authority and effectiveness of international law. The actions of Russia in Ukraine, and China in the South China Sea, represent a particular threat. These actions are in clear violation of international law, involving the threat or use of armed force and the seizure of territory, and Russia and China are permanent members of the UN Security Council – the body charged by the international community with maintaining international peace and security. Putting further potential strain on the international legal order is the marked shift towards nationalism in many states, most notably the United States under Donald Trump. This article argues that the international community should not accept these developments as inevitable. Support for multilateralism over isolationism and unequivocal condemnation of breaches of international law are needed now more than ever. 相似文献
166.
《Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies》2017,4(2):251-259
The ruling from the arbitral tribunal dealing with the case between China and the Philippines in the South China Sea provides opportunities for fresh approaches to building cooperation for managing the sea and activities within it. This cooperation is both a necessity and an obligation of the countries bordering the sea. However, obstacles remain, particularly the lack of trust between the various stakeholders in the sea and the way in which important areas for cooperation, such as fisheries management, environmental protection and marine scientific research, have been politicised to the extent that even cooperation in these areas cannot proceed without greater strategic trust. The objective of this paper is to put forward a set of policy implications from the ruling that might overcome these obstacles and allow the necessary cooperation to proceed despite the lack of strategic trust. 相似文献
167.
《Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies》2018,5(1):122-137
The research inquiries into New Delhi's current approaches to Maritime Asia regional security in general and the South China Sea from the perspective of an Indian Act East Policy operating in the East Asian security supercomplex. Shaped by theoretical insights from defensive realism and security studies and based on empirical analysis of India's policy decisions from 2014 to the present, the research evaluates India's reach and limitations over its diplomatic and naval strategic policies with key Southeast Asian and extra regional states, mainly Vietnam, the United States and Japan. While identifying the need to update current India's naval strategy to better protect freedom of navigation in the South China Sea, the analysis finds relevant incentives for a closer India–China cooperative engagement so as to both improve the security architecture in this maritime region and for the sake of India's own security at large. 相似文献
168.
Jennifer K. Wesely 《Criminal Justice Studies》2018,31(3):213-229
Narrative criminology draws upon the stories of the research participants to better understand crime. These narratives are shaped not only by a range of structural, institutional and individual factors, but by dynamics within the interview itself. As both participant and interviewer deploy narrative techniques, they co-constitute identity meanings during the interview process. This study examines interviews with 30 women recently released from incarceration to identify ways that the researcher constructed and “bid” for identity meanings through narrative during the interview process. Specifically analyzed are the researcher’s “small stories” put forth in response to participants during the interview exchange. Ultimately, the co-constitutive nature of interview dynamics suggest that the researcher’s identity bids via small stories have implications for how participants assert their own identity meanings, account for their experiences, and ultimately orient or conceptualize their futures. 相似文献
169.
Nie Wenjuan 《The Pacific Review》2018,31(2):188-204
The article looks at China's strategic debate and confusion over the South China Sea (SCS) issue and explores why it has occurred. This article recognizes that China has not yet decided whether the SCS issue should be included among China's core national interests. Additionally, China has not quite figured out whether the priorities should be placed on the SCS claims or the Sino-US relationship. In addition, China has not worked out exactly what the Nine-Dash Line (NDL) means. It contends that identity is a key factor in informing a state's strategic concerns and policy objectives regarding the SCS. This article argues that China's dual identities force China to strike a middle ground, which causes domestic strategic debate and confusion. In the final analysis, this article tries to determine what salient implications a prevailing identity of China as a rising power would yield for its SCS policies. 相似文献
170.
论两岸在南海争端中的战略合作问题 总被引：3，自引：0，他引：3
在两岸关系和平发展进程中,南海问题是一个具有战略价值的议题.两岸是否需要和能否在当前激烈的南海争端中进行战略合作,需要进行全面的考察.马英九执政以来,台湾当局的南海政策重新回到了1994年的政策轨道,重申"中华民国"拥有南海主权,并有意推动两岸合作开发南海资源.但是,两岸的"南海合作"不得不面对内外因素的制约.两岸之间能否搁置争议、构筑互信和建立必要的沟通平台是必须考虑的内部制约因素,而制约两岸合作的外部因素则主要是美国的阻挠和南海周边国家的分化.总体看来,两岸在南海问题上谋求合作,符合两岸的根本利益,既有利于维持中国的海洋权益,也有利于推动两岸关系和平发展. 相似文献