中国东海沿岸地区文化在东亚各国的流布与影响

中国东海沿岸地区的文化与东亚其他国家关系极为密切。生活于这一地区的吴越民族,经常通过"海上丝绸之路"的渠道,将自己的文化形式与文化习俗东传到日本、朝鲜、韩国等东亚国家,并对这些国家的文化产生重大影响。促进这一地区与东亚各国进行文化交流与文化传播的因素,主要有移民、商贸、外交等等。在历史上,这些活动都曾对中国与东亚各国沿海地区的文化交流起过重要的桥梁作用。     

"9·11"以来南中国海形势综述

“9·11”之后,南中国海局势有了新的发展,从可能爆发冲突走向了和平与合作。尽管有一些小的摩擦如越南开辟旅游航线、修建飞机跑道等,但合作是主流:先是签署了《南中国海各方行为宣言》,接着有中菲合作协议,最后是中、越、菲的三方合作协议。这一切都预示着南中国海的未来合作与和平的前景。     

和平解决南海问题的现实思考

亚太地区安全形势和南海问题相关各国在低层次国际市场竞争的现实制约了南海问题和平解决的进程。非传统安全合作与跨国际市场梯次的共同开发将不仅有利于改善解决南海问题的外部环境,而且有利于增进相关各方的互信,推动深层次的共同开发。南海问题相关各国关系的发展和共同利益的增加将为南海问题的解决奠定坚实的基础。     

北极地缘政治的多尺度特征——兼论北极问题与南海问题的本质不同

随着北冰洋海冰融化速度的加快,北极的国际关注程度逐渐增加,北极权益的争夺也愈演愈烈。由于北极地区的特殊性和复杂性,北冰洋沿岸国和非北冰洋沿岸国都试图寻找符合本国利益诉求的战略定位,因此导致目前北极地区的相关概念混乱不清,不利于北极问题的可持续性解决,也有可能演化成地区冲突。本文探讨了北极地缘政治的多尺度特征,包括地理区域尺度、地缘安全区域尺度、地缘政治区域尺度和地缘经济区域尺度的特征,并在此基础上辨析了北极地区的北冰洋沿岸国与北极国家、"近北极国家"与北极利益攸关者、大北极国家与泛北极共同体等相关概念;并对北极问题和南海问题进行了正确区分,阐述了北极问题和南海问题在本质上的不同之处。明确北极地缘政治的多尺度特征及相关概念,才能更加有利于我国的北极可持续发展建设实践,也能够避免其他国家将北极与南海相提并论,避免干扰我国南海权益的正当维护和北极权益的正当争取。     

印度尼西亚海洋安全思维与合作逻辑

对地理特征的认知塑造一个国家的海洋安全思维。印尼具有“群岛特征”(陆地分散、海上邻国多和海域广阔)和“海权特征”(海上战略位置、良港和重要航道、海洋资源)两组地理特点,分别指向海洋“作为威胁”和“作为秩序来源”两种相互矛盾的认知模式。如何处理这对矛盾成为厘清印尼海洋安全思维发展的核心问题。在民族国家建构初期和冷战背景下,印尼着重应对与“群岛特征”相关的安全威胁。以苏西洛为转折点,印尼开始追求“海权特征”带来的秩序福利。群岛海洋安全思维的长期实践塑造了当前印尼海洋安全现状和合作逻辑:“重陆轻海”政策导致海洋安全能力落后,使印尼重视提升海上执法能力的务实合作;海盗问题的跨界性质使印尼提供安全公共产品的意愿较低,产生了“搭便车”的合作逻辑;1982年《联合国海洋法公约》确认了印尼的“岛国内海”权利,该公约被印尼视为海洋安全的制度保护伞和合作的底线。     

The coordination of policy priorities among regional institutions from the Baltic Sea to the Arctic: the institutions – coordination dilemma

We examine the coordination of policy priorities among the Arctic Council, the Barents Euro-Arctic Council, the Council of Baltic Sea States, and the Nordic Council of Ministers. The member states of these groups established these institutions to coordinate their regional cooperation. However, the member states ended up having to coordinate the parallel work of these institutions. This coordination effort influenced their cooperation, creating an institutional coordination dilemma. We analyze how interests, leadership, and identity politics influence this dilemma and how negative, problem-solving, and positive forms of coordination can amend its effects regarding the temporal consistency of policy priorities and their sectoral overlap.     

The non-traditional security concept and the EU-ASEAN relationship against the backdrop of China's rise

The rise of China raises questions about international order and whether traditional power structures will be transformed peacefully or confrontationally. Actively engaged in trade and investment activities with its Southeast Asian neighbourhood, China has been exerting political influence on many Southeast Asian states, cleaving regional cohesion and raising levels of tensity in the region. This article presupposes that within so-called non-traditional security (NTS) areas, there is room for China and Southeast Asian countries to circumvent the political tensions, to some extent. It presumes that NTS issues facilitate greater interaction with/on China for Southeast Asian states, including enhanced European Union (EU)-Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) engagement on China. Recognising the increasing and rather underexplored importance of the NTS perspective on the official and scholarly levels, this article delves into the rhetoric of NTS from a European perspective with particular view towards the South China Sea issue to demonstrate the use and utility of the NTS concept in the EU-ASEAN context against the backdrop of China's rise.     

Policy Stalemate and Policy Change in Israel's Water Sector 1970–2010: Advocacy Coalitions and Policy Narratives

This paper seeks to explain policy stalemates that persist despite recognition of their risks and damages, as well as the factors and processes that enable a breakthrough and lead to policy change. The paper seeks to fill a gap in the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) theory by supplementing it with Narrative Analysis (NA). We claim that NA provides a link missing in the ACF that is required for the transformation of “necessary” conditions—like external and internal shocks to the system—into “sufficient” conditions for policy persistence or change. We use the ACF to delineate coalition members and their belief systems and policy positions, as well as external, internal, and structural shocks to the system. We rely on NA to analyze the narratives employed in the public arena, which turn conditions necessary both for hurting stalemates and for policy change into sufficient conditions. We illustrate the benefits of combining the two approaches through a study of Israel's water policy during four decades (1970s–2000s) based on government records and on information from interviews with key players.     

评南海仲裁案仲裁庭对历史性权利相关问题的处理

受理菲律宾提起的南海问题仲裁案的仲裁庭于2016年7月12日发布了裁决结果,本文对该案所涉历史性权利主张的处理进行评论。关于管辖权问题,仲裁庭并未清晰证明,在中国和菲律宾之间,存在着一个涉及历史性权利主张的争端。仲裁庭试图适用《联合国海洋法公约》第311条来解决其认定的争端,但该条不是可适用的法律规则。因此,并不存在一个涉及历史性权利主张的关于《公约》的解释和适用的争端。仲裁庭对菲律宾所提第一、二项诉求行使管辖权的门槛性条件不能满足,应依法作出拒绝行使管辖权的裁决。而且,《公约》第298条有关“历史性所有权”的规定也阻止仲裁庭对这两项诉求行使管辖权。仲裁庭理应拒绝处理有关历史性权利的实体问题。在越权处理实体问题的过程中,仲裁庭忽略《公约》有关“群岛水域”和“半闭海”等制度的条款,错误地解释《公约》第311条,不顾大量判例中对历史性权利问题的正确阐述,全盘接受了菲律宾所提出的观点。这些认定都是非法和无效的。     

美国“印太”战略对南海问题的影响——以“印太”战略支点国家为重点

随着印度洋战略价值的上升,美国在"重返亚太"战略基础上推出了"印太"战略,其战略实质是美国在印太地区缔造战略支点,并将其塑造成美国霸权下的多极格局。印度、澳大利亚、日本作为美国在印太地区的战略支点国家,它们自身在南海地区具有重要的战略利益。在美国"印太"战略的引导下,战略支点国家将对南海问题产生深刻的影响,尤其是将加剧中国周边安全环境的复杂化。在中美战略博弈的背景下,考察美国"印太"战略特别是其支点国家对南海问题的影响,有助于我们把握美国"印太"战略的实质,也有益于我们全面地分析南海地区的安全形势,提出应对策略。