State transformation and cross-border regionalism in Indonesia’s periphery: contesting the centre

Abstract

This article examines how the decentralisation and fragmentation of the Indonesian state and resultant central–local dynamics affect cross-border regionalism in Indonesia’s periphery. It argues that cross-border regionalism projects are best understood as sites for scalar contestation over regulatory control between central and local government. Moreover, scalar contestation around cross-border regional projects is characterised by the struggles to control relationships with transnational capital between elites operating at different tiers of the state. When elites at different scales have conflicting interests and strategies, this can cause policy incoherence, inhibiting the development of cross-border regionalism. Conversely, when they align, and intersect with the interests of transnational business, cross-border regionalism can succeed. To illustrate the argument, this article utilises the comparative case studies of the Batam free trade zone and West Kalimantan–Sarawak cross-border cooperation.     

Bolivia's soy complex: the development of ‘productive exclusion’

A significant transition is underway in Bolivia where both domestic and foreign capital are monopolizing commercial agriculture and leading a highly mechanized, capital-intensive production model which has considerably diminished the need for labour. This paper explores mechanisms and processes of ‘productive exclusion’ in the soy-producing zones of Santa Cruz in relation to the expansion, concentration and mechanization of the ‘soy complex’. We provide an analysis of how the agrarian structure has developed since soy was adopted – from ‘putting land into production’ to ‘expanding the agricultural frontier’ and ‘controlling the agro-industrial chain’. We explore how and the extent to which the penetration of new capital is leading to new processes of agrarian change which exclude the rural majority from accessing the means of production. While a process of ‘foreignization’ of land began to take shape in the early 1990s, new processes of capital accumulation are eroding the ability of small farmers to engage in productive activity, potentially leading to ‘surplus’ populations no longer needed for capital accumulation.     

城管主体的多维构设——寻求组织合理化的部门、层级和内部设置

在当前城管执法所面临的诸多问题中,主体设置问题显得格外重要却又复杂难解,且呈现出鲜明的多维样态:在横向维度上,主要表现为城管主体在地位上是与其他工作部门平行还是属于下设机构,在管理权和执法权的统合上是独立行使还是合署办公,在履行职责的过程中如何与其他部门衔接乃至于协调配合;在纵向维度上,主要表现为城管主体在国务院和省级政府中是否应当设置以及如何设置,在市区街道中层级数量和执法权限等应当如何处理;而在内部设置上,主要表现为城管内部由哪些机构组成,某些机构的职能界限和特性,以及执法队伍的地位、性质和编制方面的问题。对照现有的大城管立法例,探寻组织合理化的部门、层级和内部设置,是最大限度地发挥城管职能的必经环节。     

Nationalism and the Rise of Peru's General Velasco

Velasco's brand of military nationalism marked a real break from the orientation of the majority of Peruvian military regimes, which were pro‐United States and espoused limited government. Many attempts have been made to explain this outcome, but the release of documents from British and United States archives clarify certain issues. Above all, Velasco's use of the nationalist card enabled him to win over decisive support from both the military and political society. This support gave him sufficient leverage to consolidate his personal position, which he did before launching a major programme of domestic property expropriation.     

创新党史学习教育的有效途径

加强党员干部的党史学习教育,是提高党的建设科学化水平的重要途径。目前,各级培训机构在党史教育中还存在着不少问题,如对党史教育重视程度不够、存在＂庸俗化＂倾向、专业人才缺乏、教育方式针对性不强等。因此,相关部门必须高度重视并合理安排党员干部进行党史学习教育,加强党史教育工作队伍建设。各级培训部门在党史教育过程中要突出重点把握规律,增强其有效性和针对性。     

Conflict reduction by mutual disengagement

This study attempts to discover what variables, if any, will induce opponents to cooperate. The author isolated 12 independent variables and grouped the first five together in his refined model as variable 6. The remaining variables are: worthlessness, supervision, conspicuousness, previous neutralization, absence of internal segmentation, military potential, and tradition as a neutral. Analysis was limited to bivariate relationships between the independent and dependent variables (i.e., possible outcomes). Cases tested included examples from the outbreak of World War I to the present. The author discovered that disengagement would most likely succeed in a geographically and ideologically distinct Country, one previously neutralized, that had little military value, a politically organized population, and some military capacity. The most unpromising candidate would lack clearcut ethnic borders, internal homogeneity, and political unity. Disengagement, while no panacea, offers the advantage of many opening moves in a conflict reduction situation.     

Peaceful development of cross-strait relations,"one country two systems"Horizon

" one country, peaceful reunification" policy put forward, which has existed for more than 30 set. People have proposed the development of cross-strait peace framework. It is necessary for the developm...     

愿景与现实的矛盾触碰--美国心理战略委员会东南亚心理战略的筹划、实施与结果

为了遏制共产主义在东南亚的渗透，在美国国家安全委员会的指示下，心理战略委员会特别成立了一个东南亚计划小组来负责制定编号为PSB D-23号的东南亚心理战略计划。但是，在PSB D-23号文件筹划过程中，国务院、中央情报局等部门对如何扩大在东南亚的心理战略计划有不同的看法，使得该文件的制定过程颇多磨难。虽然经过妥协，该计划最终得到国家安全委员会通过，但其实施效果却不应过分夸大。     

关于转型期企业共青团建设的几点思考

企业团组织引导青年发展,应基于青年特点和企业的实际展开。企业团组织要发挥政治上引领青年、帮助青年成才、对青年的考核等方面的作用。企业团建工作要从健全组织机构、介入企业文化、推进组织创新、规范组织生活、开展青年养成教育等方面入手。     

Negotiating peace in Kosovo

We systematically analyze and forecast key developments before and during the Kosovo Crisis. Prior to the air campaign, we anticipated the breakdown of negotiations at Rambouillet and the subsequent initiation of hostilities. Without Russia as a mediator, we predicted that Milosevic would engage in military activity and strengthen his domestic control. As the war was being waged, we took a second look at settlement opportunities. Russia was identified as the key mediator needed to reach a settlement We show that a European‐led settlement offered promising prospects for peace. Finally, we demonstrate that the settlement achieved after the air war was not much different than the settlement that could have been achieved at Rambouillet The settlement on Kosovo offers only short‐term stability. To gain long‐term stability, the Serbians must either agree to the existing ethnic makeup in Kosovo or allow it to be partitioned. Otherwise, conflict in this region will likely revive.