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921.
922.
Zhiyun Liu 《Frontiers of Law in China》2011,6(3):496-523
From the origin, there has been a strong connection between international relations and international law. In the development
of the history of different academic subjects, the research on international relations and international law are interdependently
promoting each other. As a result, the realization of interdisciplinary research on international legal theory and the study
of international law is inevitable. As a matter of fact, even though the interdisciplinary research of the two subjects has
been separated for almost half a century, the need for the development of the subject and the changing world political and
economical status give them a new chance for reunification. Recently, the interdisciplinary research on international relations
theory and international law by the Western academic is becoming the order of the day, which has become the latest shining
point of the recent development of the two subjects, which is even regarded as the new revolution of international relations
theory and the study of international law. In this context, the past ten years is a period of emergence of Chinese international
relations and the interdisciplinary research of international law. In the past ten years, some scholars have overcome “the
difficulty of interdisciplinary research,” “the prejudice within the subject” and “the gap among different subjects,” and
made pioneering research in the field of “systematic connection” and “issues in overlapping field.” Moreover, they gradually
make the interdisciplinary research to be a popular method and a common recognition. Based on the current studies, interdisciplinary
research will have a broad future in the fields such as “the interchange of concepts,” “the exchange of method,” and “the
mutual assistance of materials,” which will provide scholars in this area with a broad space for research. 相似文献
923.
杜丹清 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2011,1(4):54-59
924.
Shahram Akbarzadeh 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(3):470-482
US President Barack Obama has tried two very distinct policy options in dealing with Iran. The engagement policy was designed to make a break with the past experience and re-start US-Iran relations on a positive footing. This approach was consistent with the advice offered to the new administration by Iran analysts and leaders of non-governmental organisations. The implication of the engagement policy, however, was sidelining the US commitment to democracy and human rights in Iran. This policy could offer little to the budding reform movement in 2009. The alternative policy of containment was not beneficial to the reform movement either. The policy shift at the end of 2009 was a response to Iran's failure to comply with the requirements of the International Atomic Energy Agency. The containment policy, manifested in the fourth round of UN-imposed sanctions on Iran, has led to a further entrenching of the hard-liners in the regime and intolerance of internal dissent. 相似文献
925.
Scott Firsing 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(1):105-133
The United States pictured a bright future with a strategic country when the new South African government took power in 1994. They envisioned a strong partnership in political, economic and security realms. The bilateral relationship did not turn out to be as easy as many in America might have envisioned. Despite notable camaraderie during the Mandela–Clinton administrations, there was a considerable downward swing in US–South African relations during the Bush administration. This situation has since appeared to reverse itself during the current Obama and Zuma administrations. This paper, through the lens of ‘asymmetry theory’ as developed by Brantly Womack, seeks to shed light on how a rollercoaster relationship such as this can go through such fluctuations and not end in extreme tension. 相似文献
926.
This paper focuses on how Airbnb, an internet platform which has created the possibility for mass participation in the tourism market, is resulting in class conflict between new entrants and the ‘traditional’ tourism industry. Specifically, it studies how traditional tourism interests in Barbados have responded to Airbnb by seeking to restrict participation in the industry and presents this as a microcosm of broader class transitions and conflicts associated with new technologies. The paper utilises a Marxist theoretical perspective buttressed by Joseph Schumpeter’s theory of ‘creative destruction’ – places emphasis on the process of destroying productive systems to understand how specific industries expand and survive – and Clayton Christensen’s notion of ‘disruptive innovation’ – a process by which a disruptive product transforms a market – for studying how transformations in technology are impacting the tourism industry in Barbados. Its aim is to provide an account of how the process of disruption is unfolding in Barbados by highlighting the reactions of the main hotel lobby group to Airbnb, while also applying the ideas of Marx, Schumpeter and Christensen as useful theoretical lenses through which to examine the unfolding of the process of disruption of settled class and historical control of a dominant economic sector by new technologies. 相似文献
927.
Megan Pickup 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(10):1941-1961
I focus on evaluating Brazilian development and humanitarian cooperation in Haiti to answer how emerging providers such as Brazil are contributing to global development through cooperation. The paper establishes criteria for evaluation, arguing that global standards for aid effectiveness need to be expanded. I argue that when assessed on ownership, efficiency and sustainability, cooperation holds several advantages and limits, such as misplaced assumptions that Brazil’s approach is appropriate elsewhere. The discussion is rooted in the context of Haiti in order to underline how outcomes are not pre-determined, but rather depend on the model’s interaction with the partner context. 相似文献
928.
Nathanael Ojong 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(9):1730-1749
AbstractThis article seeks to analyse the informal borrowing sources of the poor as well as the purposes for borrowing. The obsession on characterising the poor as financially excluded fails to grasp their active financial lives. This article emphasises how relations of credit/debt are rooted in complex social and cultural forces. It is precisely because of the social embeddedness of credit that family finance, though interest-free, is not a first resort. Similarly, credit in kind from shopkeepers, though critical to consumption smoothing, is detested by some people. Also, it is argued that the involvement of the traditional leader in repayment enforcement in informal financial groups challenges the economistic narrative that attempts to separate credit from cultural norms. 相似文献
929.
J. N. C. Hill 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(10):2016-2031
AbstractThis article contributes to the Global International Relations project by critically evaluating the roles ascribed to Europe and the EU by Levitsky and Way in their model for explaining regime transitions. Focusing primarily on their international dimensions of linkage and leverage, it assesses both the normative geopolitical underpinnings and explanatory power of their thesis, drawing on the North African cases of Tunisia and Mauritania at the start of the Arab Spring to illustrate and substantiate its observations and arguments. It concludes that the EU’s failure to discipline either country’s competitive authoritarian regime raises important questions about the validity of the privileged role in which they cast Europe. 相似文献
930.
魏德才 《中共山西省委党校学报》2013,36(3):78-81
农村环境保护问题已成为国家政策和立法推进的重点和难点之一。保护农村环境要遵守农村环境法定原则、政府责任原则、农民利益至上原则。农村环境保护法制化的主要领域涉及水源保护、垃圾处理等。实践中,由于农村环境保护的专门立法缺失,加之修改《环境保护法》困难重重等,因此,加强我国农村环境保护法制化建设,必须建立健全农村环境保护专门立法体系,着力完善相关法律法规,进一步强化行政监督管理。 相似文献