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排序方式: 共有1916条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
251.
社会工作教育及专业社会工作关系的透视   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
从前线专业社会工作者以及实务对象的角度分析,当前社会工作专业教育存在冲突与限制。中国文化处境下,专业社会工作的关系是多重和多种关系的融合。社会工作专业教育以及社会工作教育者必须在策略、内容、实践等环节进行调适,以推动社会工作专业教育的本土化发展,建构本土化的关系模式和知识,进而推动中国社会工作专业化和职业化的发展。  相似文献   
252.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(1):45-60
ABSTRACT

Margaret Fuller's visit to Italy as a correspondent for the New York Tribune at the time of the 1848 revolutions gave her a unique perspective on them, not only as a feminist intellectual but also as a commentator on the American relationship with revolutionary Europe. In her Tribune writings she addressed issues at once more partisan and more global than those she had covered inside the United States, including the political condition of Italy as a subject state under Austrian imperial control, and as an object of ridicule by many American observers, and the condition of American slavery. Italian peoples and slaves, in her mind, were, like women, oppressed by a transatlantic patriarchy whose prejudices allowed only for white males to enjoy political independence. Fuller called for American support for the Roman republic, but her sympathies did not reflect the thrust of American opinion. Many Americans did not believe Italians were capable of maintaining republican self-government, which was different, they alleged, from their own version, part of the inheritance of the American Revolution. That heritage conferred a unique American revolutionary ‘exceptionalism’. For these Americans, the 1848 revolutions provided evidence that Europe was impulsive, reactionary and flawed; they saw in them confirmation of the superiority of American race relations and democratic society. After her death in 1850, the American Civil War would confirm Fuller's implicit sense that the United States and Europe were more alike than many Americans of her generation believed or realized. Her critique of American attitudes to the prospect for democracy in Italy provides perspective on the ambiguity of American global leadership today.  相似文献   
253.
《中东研究》2012,48(6):897-913
Abstract

The article analyses the system of government of the Ottoman Empire during the First World War by looking at three elements: the constitutional-parliamentarian monarchy, the Committee of Union and Progress and the army. The analysis takes place along two axes: one in which the functioning of, and the power relations between, the different institutional elements are analysed, and one based on a series of case studies of important decision-making moments of the years 1914–18.

The civil-military relations as they developed during the war years are studies in a comparative framework. The Ottoman situation is analysed against the backdrop of changes in the balance of power between military and civilian authorities in other belligerent countries in Europe.

The conclusion is that the Ottoman Empire was a constitutional and parliamentarian monarchy only in name, but that its governance did not turn into a form of military rule either. It was run by the Committee of Union and Progress, but within that, key decisions were taken by changing informal coalitions of power brokers in such a way as to make sure that the two dominant factions, the civilian one led by Talât and the military one led by Enver were in agreement.  相似文献   
254.
Estonian folk tales form a common element in Estonian and Baltic-German (lyro)epic poetry. Baltic-German interest in Estonian folkloric heritage originated in the eighteenth century, when J. G. Herder first encouraged the collection of Estonian and Latvian folk songs. Systematic collection began in the 1830s, and peaked in the Estonian language area with the Estonian epic Kalevipoeg (1857–1861). Friedrich Reinhold Kreutzwald implemented this epic, but it was also influenced by many collectors and adaptors and was published in both German and Estonian. The myths of Friedrich Robert Faehlmann, presented in the Learned Estonian Society between 1840 and 1852, have had the biggest influence on the German-speaking audience. Literary adaptations of folk tales quickly found their way into journals, newspapers, poetry collections, and anthologies, often in the popular form of a ballad. This paper seeks to explore the role of Estonian folklore in Baltic-German lyroepic poetry.  相似文献   
255.
Recent research on the acculturation strategies of Russian speakers in Latvia has demonstrated that there is a high level of support for integration (identifying with both Latvian and Russian cultures) compared to marginalization, separation, or assimilation. However, a number of researchers have also highlighted the negative impact of top-down narratives and discourses produced by the country's politicians and journalists. These discourses, it is argued, hamper the integration process by creating incompatible identity positions between ‘Russian-speakers’ and ‘Latvians’. Accordingly, this research turns to focus group interviews with Russian speakers in Latvia in order to uncover the nuances of their identity-forming processes, their relations with the respective Russian and Latvian states, and their acculturation strategies, which are commonly overlooked in top-down accounts. Based on the analysis of the qualitative data it will be argued that there is great potential for an integrated, yet culturally distinct Latvian-Russian identity in Latvia.  相似文献   
256.
This paper seeks to reconstruct the development of Baltic maritime governance by filling in the gap in the systematic study of Russian maritime policy. In a review of historical, administrative, economic, and political facets of Russian maritime policy, the paper identifies the logic of “greatpowerness” underpinned by the category of “national interest” as its main driver. In this overall logic, cooperation with the EU in maritime affairs is a part of larger Russia’s EU politics. Thus, Baltic maritime governance depends on the ability of the EU and Russia to maintain constructive relations beyond the scope of the maritime domain.  相似文献   
257.
政治的静态结构如组织、制度、法律、政策等,是政治过程的物质载体,同时也是政治运行的客观基础.但是,政治的原理及其结构安排既基于政治之基本要素即“人”的现实基础,同时也正是因为其“人”的要素而被赋予了复杂的意义.这其中,关于政治过程中人伦关系与道德基础就是一个不可忽略的因素.一定社会的人伦关系和道德基础孕育着一定的政治行为主体,使其在政治行为中不可避免地打上其人伦关系和道德基础的烙印;由此,现代的政治结构和政治规则,也必须以既定的道德基础和人伦关系为依据.以积极的取向充分发挥道德基础和人伦关系在现代政治中的作用,对于政治的稳定和发展具有积极的意义.  相似文献   
258.
中国儒家关于义利之辨的话题已探讨了多年,在不同的时代,人们赋予它不同的内涵。随着我国市场经济的逐步深入发展,人们的义利观也出现了很大的变化。本着对儒家传统义利思想批判和继承的态度,结合当今的具体国情,本文试分析市场经济下义利的新关系及正确对待的措施。  相似文献   
259.
劳动关系是市场经济条件下涉及面最广、影响力最大的社会经济关系,劳动关系的和谐对于社会主义和谐社会的构建具有基础性的地位。当前和谐劳动关系工作,应认真研究把握现阶段劳动关系的基本矛盾,查找不和谐的因素,构建和谐劳动关系的理论、政策、法治支撑体系和社会支持体系,完善工会维权机制,现实而前瞻地服务于劳动关系的建立、运行、监督和调处全过程。  相似文献   
260.
王健 《国际展望》2022,14(1):23-37
2017年以来,中国周边安全和经济形势发生重大变化。在安全上,美国以推动"印太"战略、强化美日和美韩同盟、借议题拉拢东盟等手段将战略布局深度集中到中国的周边地区;法国、英国、德国、欧盟也紧随其后,开始深度介入"印太"地区的经济合作、安全事务和互联互通进程。在经济上,全球化已进入"慢速"阶段且越来越以区域化的方式展开;而机器人、3D打印技术和可再生能源的发展和运用将继续推动区域化进程,周边国家与中国的经济联系对双方来说都更为重要。无论是在安全上还是在经济上,周边地区对中国发展的重要性都在迅速上升。中国应更加重视周边外交在总体外交布局中的地位,要总结历史和当代中国营造良好周边环境的经验;争取处理好中美日、中美韩、中日韩、中俄印等一些大三角关系;将周边地区打造成为中国构建新发展格局的节点和高质量推动"一带一路"建设的引领示范地区;积极提供地区公共产品,推动构建周边命运共同体。  相似文献   
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