The Hobbesian Case for Multilateralism

In this paper an analysis of Hobbes' argument in favor of the Leviathan is combined with a reassessment in a new security environment. The analysis shows that Hobbes' premises are complex and lead to conclusions that differ from the realist as well as from the world‐state position, both attributed to Hobbesian logic in IR theory. A strict application of the Hobbesian argument in today's security context leads to a rationale of multilateral institution‐building among states. In the first part of the paper the internationalist analogy in the concept of war of all against all is uncovered and analyzed in relation to the security dilemma, domestic analogy, and methodological individualism. The second part reassesses the Hobbesian security rationale in a security environment which is assumed to be shaped by transnational terrorism and nuclear WMD.     

韩国对美国“印太战略”的认知与政策

韩国认为,特朗普政府提出的"印太战略"深受日本安倍政府的影响,其主要目的在于拉拢从太平洋到印度洋区域内的国家共同围堵中国。由于这个反华企图,再加上特朗普政府推行"美国优先"政策等,导致该区域内其他国家不愿完全追随美国,所以特朗普任内很难落实"印太战略"。在此认知和判断下,2017年5月上台的文在寅政府开始明确拒绝支持"印太战略"。随着美国白宫、国防部和国务院相关报告的出台,美国推进"印太战略"的意志日益强烈,要求韩国参加"印太战略"的压力也越来越大。与此同时,韩国越来越需要美国协助解决朝核问题和调解韩日矛盾,再加上中韩关系逐渐恢复,所以韩国最终决定用其"新南方政策""对接"美国的"印太战略"。韩国一再强调,此举不是"加入印太战略",而是以东盟为中心,仅围绕经济、治理以及非传统安全领域进行合作。这在很大程度上反映了文在寅政府的"均衡外交"理念和扮演"桥梁国家"角色的愿望。今后韩国如何进一步回应美国的要求,主要取决于未来韩国政权的性质、拜登政府推动"印太战略"的连续性,以及中美关系的变化等。但无论未来内外形势如何变化,韩国都会认识到中国和中韩关系的重要性,而不会一边倒地完全参与到旨在围堵中国的"印太战略"中去,而是有选择地支持与合作。     

Gramsci, Machiavelli and International Relations

The paper begins by expressing some doubts about how Gramsci has been appropriated by the so-called 'Italian School' of International Relations/International Political Economy (IR/IPE). Particularly questionable is the attempt to 'internationalise' his concepts of 'civil society' and 'hegemony', whose respective meanings are sometimes extended beyond Gramscian usage. Also dubious is the tendency to assume that his conceptual framework supports a counter-discourse within IR/IPE that contradicts the 'realist' mainstream. In his political ideas, Gramsci was as much a child of Machiavelli as of Marx, and he praised the Florentine for developing a progressive or 'transformative' realism in opposition to the conventional type of realism that seeks only to 'manage' the status quo. This interpretation of Gramsci as a kind of realist is defended by highlighting three 'Machiavellian' aspects of his thought: (a) his contempt for abstract ideals of justice or democracy, (b) his hostility to 'vague and purely ideological' (his words) internationalism; and (c) his surprising (for a supposed Marxist) doubts about the prospects for a non-coercive and egalitarian society. In conclusion, it is pointed out that Gramsci helps us to illustrate a tension at the heart of Marxism: that between utopianism and realism. Because of his admiration for Machiavelli, he eventually betrayed second thoughts about Marx's vision of a world without borders or conflict. His idea of transformative realism, rather than his concept of hegemony, should perhaps be seen as his chief contribution to IR/IPE.     

中美之间的认识差异--美国视角分析

影响中美关系的因素很多,中美之间既有原则性差异又有一般性差异。从国家层面看,美国认为美国有权以人权、民主或自由的名义指责或改变别国的内政;从国家间关系看,美国认为中美之间缺乏战略合作基础;从国际层面看,美国认为中国主张的多极化实际上是反美与争霸。中美之间的差异包括价值观的差异、对外战略指导原则的差异以及历史观的差异,美国对中国认识的误解和偏执主要原因在于美国的霸权主义心态、冷战思维以及功利主义。随着中美双方有识之士的共同努力,美国对中国的正面认识将会加强。     

中美贸易战评析与展望

中美关系、中美贸易战是中国崛起进程中不可逃避的一道坎，只要策略运用得当，在保持和增 强内部凝聚力、动员能力的基础上，以应对挑战为切入点推动自身改革，不断提高效率，敏锐识别、抓住危中之机， 中国就能经受住考验，保持、甚至增强国运上升势头。     

Entrenched Postseparation Parenting Disputes: The Role of Interparental Hatred?

There is an emerging view that the term “high conflict” oversimplifies the nature of destructive family dynamics, especially with respect to the small but resource‐intensive group of separated parents who remain deeply enmeshed in legal battles and parental acrimony. In this Article we propose that interparental hatred may be a key relationship dynamic driving the behavior of some in this group. We suggest a distinction between two types of interparental hatred: one that arises from responses to separation‐related stresses (reactive hatred) and the other (entrenched hatred) that is indicative of more embedded, dysfunctional interpersonal dynamics and/or personality structures. While reactive hatred is typically time limited and amenable to professional intervention, entrenched hatred tends to overwhelm rationally informed attempts to mediate, negotiate, or even adhere to orders regarding suitable parenting arrangements. We contend that while effective intervention in these cases requires all the generic skills and responses necessary for dealing with highly conflicted disputes, it is also important to name and appropriately challenge interparental hatred when it is detected.     

诚信--警民关系之根本

很多国家的发展历程都证明,维系警民关系的关键是诚信。只有双方以诚相待,才能构建和谐的互动关系。取信于民也是我国社区警务建设的首要目标。     

开展治安打防控体系建设应正确处理好的几个关系

如何构建严密的治安打防控体系,改变治安工作打不胜打、防不胜防的被动局面,是目前各地公安机关都在着力研究和攻关的问题。为了避免在打防控体系建设中顾此失彼,影响打防控体系的构建和实际成效,各地公安机关在研究和构建治安打防控体系时,应正确处理好十个方面的关系。     

美国对华常规威慑战略的调整

美国战略界认为,中国过去二十多年的军事现代化极大地侵蚀了美国在全球军事上的绝对主导地位,并导致美国对华常规威慑的可信度受到挑战。随着中国常规威慑能力上升,美国战略界鼓吹调整对华常规威慑的理念和战略,提出了“一体化威慑”概念,重视对中国施加拒止性威慑,使中国相信不会在军事行动中实现目标,以达到威慑中国的意图。在大国战略竞争的背景下,美国试图从加强国防科技建设、提升拒止性威慑能力和巩固亚太盟友关系三个方面着手,强化对中国的威慑效用。中美常规威慑能力的此消彼长和常规威慑战略的攻守态势转换,深刻影响着两国战略竞争的形态,也对世界和地区的安全秩序产生了重大影响。中美常规威慑能力的变化,不仅推动美国统筹考虑核力量和常规力量,也推动着中国重新思考核力量和常规力量的关系,并迫使美国调整军控政策,对全球军控体系产生了长远影响。