构建“中国学派”的观念困境:基于比较视野的分析

构建"中国学派"的国际关系理论是一个歧见丛生、远未成型、前景未卜的话题。即便如此,对于其已经表现出来的具有较大影响的观念基础进行反思并不为时过早。通过从两个角度对"中国学派"背后所体现的观念进行比较,可以发现,"中国学派"面临的观念困境在于:如果我们批判西方作为深层差异之外在表现成果的国际关系理论,是否会株连到该内核的其他优势方面?在主张中国观念价值的同时,如何避免其潜在的弊端与危害?在中国社会改革持续深入的背景下,只有在社会改革的进程中实现了文化、文明和思想层面的崛起及民族精神革新之后,才能为国际关系理论的"中国学派"提供思想的活水源头。换言之,对理论的建构者而言,与其循着西方国际关系理论的弊端而思考建构理论,不如立足于思考中国民众所面临的问题——关于如何塑造强大的积极的个体、如何保持民族持续的发展和进步,进而思考我们理想的世界是什么样的。这些问题虽然看起来与国际关系理论相去稍远,但却能够保证理论应用的品质及其价值维度。     

《时间》：堀田善卫对南京大屠杀的解读及对中日关系的思考

1953年开始发表的《时间》,是日本战后派代表作家堀田善卫直接描写南京大屠杀的长篇小说,这是日本文学史上第一部、恐怕也是日本同类题材中唯一的一部长篇作品。文章以此为文本,着重分析经历了战争一代的日本知识人对于以南京大屠杀为重要场景的近代日本侵华战争和中日关系的认识。原本几乎与中国无缘的堀田,战争结束前后将近两年的上海经历,促使他对中日关系开始了痛苦而深刻的思考。《时间》便是他这一系列思考的集大成之作。这部作品,高度凝聚了这一代有良知的日本知识分子对于过去的战争、中日关系和东亚命运的沉痛的认识。     

朝鲜王朝士人视野中的天一阁

乾隆中叶以后,朝鲜学人一反清初时期的做法,纷纷来到北京,积极与清朝学人交往,他们渐渐了解了天一阁的情况,表示极大的羡慕与赞赏,进而批评朝鲜藏书楼书籍一入库,就只能“蠹鼠偏蚀”,乃成“书厄”。透过他们对天一阁的看法,也体现了他们对中国文化的仰慕。     

Reforming government with information technology in South Korea

The South Korean government recently launched 11 major e‐government services after a long period of inter‐ and intra‐ministry politics concerning the allocation of jurisdiction over various e‐government services. This article analyses the politics of e‐government efforts in South Korea. It begins by describing the development of e‐government policy in South Korea for the past two decades, and identifies its four major features as comprehensiveness, fragmentation, the orientation toward operational efficiency and citizen services, and the inclination toward new technological solutions. The article concludes that these features can be attributed to the heavy involvement of the macro political system, its high susceptibility to inputs from experts, and the institutional design of the informatisation subsystem.     

Taiwan's Quest for Independence: Progress on the Margins for Recognition of Statehood

This article describes many substantive transformations in politics, national self-identification, and economy Taiwan has undergone over the last decade and offers an alternative approach to expediting de jure state status. The transformations speak to significant progress ‘on the margins’ for attaining international recognition. The disjuncture between liberal democracies clinging to an antiquated ‘One-China’ foreign policy approach and the realties of the situation is widening. An alternative avenue to state recognition acknowledges advancements on the margins that justify Taiwan's recognition by others. At the same time, however, Taiwan must hold self-proclamation in abeyance until the breadth of recognition it receives becomes an irresistible force with which the PRC must reckon. The recent transformations coupled with mainland China's growing force projection capability indicate the time is ripe and appropriate to recognize Taiwan's statehood. The United States would be remiss in its avowed commitment and leadership responsibilities for democratic enlargement by not recognizing Taiwan.     

The political economy of China and Japan's relationship with Africa: a comparative perspective

China and Japan's policies towards Africa in the 1990s have converged, ostensibly around enhanced economic interaction with the continent based on the premise of integrating the continent into the global economy. At the same time, both countries view Africa as a useful buttress to their respective political and diplomatic goals in the international system. Connected to this and in order to garner support for their agendas, both countries promote themselves as possessing specific pro-South identities. This identity is premised around the notions of ‘non-Westernness’ and, in the case of China, in resistance to the North's hegemony. Yet paradoxically, by pursuing their respective policies in Africa, both states act to further deepen the penetration of the West into Africa. The inherent contradictions in Chinese and Japanese policies towards Africa raises questions as to the long-term viability of the current agendas being pursued by the two countries in Africa.     

浅析冷战后美国东亚大国战略嬗变下的中日关系

冷战后美国成为东亚大国力量结构中的关键角色,在美、中、日三角关系中起着重要的平衡作用。冷战后美国东亚大国战略的核心是如何平衡与中日两国的关系,其战略的嬗变将在很大程度上成为影响、制约中日关系的外部因素。美国东亚大国战略由均势战略转向优势战略不仅破坏了地区力量均势,而且进一步加剧了中日两国间在安全、历史等问题上的分歧。中日关系的趋冷将对东亚的安全、稳定带来不利影响。     

Martin Wight's Thought on Diplomacy

Martin Wight was a founding member and one of the most influential thinkers of the 'English School' of International Relations. His thought on diplomacy is at the heart of his international theory. He portrays diplomacy as a defining activity of international relations; it marks the international sphere. His diplomatic thought is shaped by, more than anything else, a traditional Christian outlook that can be characterized as Augustian. Unless one comprehends that religious disposition of Martin Wight's thought one will not properly understand it.     

约翰逊政府的对印尼政策（1964—1965年）

美国对印尼政策历来缺乏一个稳定的基础。如何判断苏加诺政权的性质并据此制订美国的政策,始终是困扰美国决策者的一大难题。进入1960年代后,高度紧张的地区局势与苏加诺激进政策更是构成了对约翰逊政府政治与决策资源的挑战。美国对苏加诺政权性质和对外政策意图判断的演变,是促成约翰逊政府改变对印尼政策的重要环节。这一认知过程大致经历了三个阶段:苏加诺间接挑战了美国在东南亚的利益;苏加诺蓄意采取了与美国为敌的政策;苏加诺与共产党国家结成了针对美国的政治联盟。美国的政策也相应由促成印尼与西方国家关系的缓和转向削弱苏加诺政权政治统治的基础。     

试论社会转型时期和谐劳动关系的构建

构建社会主义和谐社会，就要妥善协调各方 面的利益关系。在各种社会关系中，劳动关系是最 基本的社会关系。它的稳定是社会和谐的基础与 前提，而社会和谐又是劳动关系稳定的体现与保 证。当前，我国正处在社会转型期，这一时期是劳 动关系矛盾与社会问题的多发期，我们只有高